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THE 

EXPANSION  OF  WESTERN  IDEALS 

AND 

THE   WORLD'S    PEACE 


JVorks  by  the  Same  Author 

The  Surface  of  Things  :  Three  Stories  (1899) 

The  Study  of  Art  in  Universities  (1896) 

The  Work  of  John  Ruskin  (1890) 

Essays  on  the  Art  of  Phidias  (1885) 

The  Balance  of  Emotion  and  Intellect  (1878) 


THE   EXPANSION 
OF    WESTERN    IDEALS 

AND 

THE    WORLD'S    PEACE 

BY 

CHARLES    WALDSTEIN 


i 


JOHN    LANE:    THE    BODLEY    HEAD 

NEW    YORK.    AND    LONDON 

1899 


Copyright,  iSgg 
By  John  Lane 

All  rifhli  rtserved 


John  Wilson  and    Son,   Cambridge,   U.  S.  A. 


1343 


Preface 

THE  lecture  on  the  English-Speaking 
Brotherhood,  here  printed  as  the  sec- 
ond essay,  was  written  in  the  beginning  of 
the  Spanish-American  War  and  embodies 
thoughts  and  feelings  which  I  have  nurtured 
through  my  whole  life.  It  was  delivered 
on  July  7,  1898,  at  the  Imperial  Institute, 
London,  Lord  Rosebery  in  the  chair,  while 
this  war  was  raging,  and  was  published  in 
an  abridged  form  in  the  "  North  American 
Review"  for  August,  1898.  When  prepar- 
ing it  in  unabridged  form  for  publication  last 
summer,  I  wrote  the  following  preface:  — 

"  My  greatest  fear  is  that,  from  the  nat- 
ure of  the  subject  and  from  the  special 
conditions  which  evoked  my  remarks,  I 
may  not  have  been  able  on  this  occasion  to 
give  proper  emphasis  to  my  positive  and 
friendly  feeling  for  the  European  Powers 


Vj»  O  _4- «_/ O  *-? 


Preface 

that  are  essentially  the  bearers  of  Oc- 
cidental Civilisation.  In  urging  the  coali- 
tion and  combined  action  of  England  and 
the  United  States,  I  have  but  seized  the 
opportunity  offered  of  advocating  the  union 
of  the  two  civilised  Powers  who  are  best 
fitted  by  present  circumstance  to  draw 
nearer  to  each  other,  and  who,  from  the 
fundamental  constitution  of  their  national 
life,  are  more  closely  related  to  one  another 
than  any  other  two  Powers  in  the  civilised 
world.  Whatever  negative  attitude  may  be 
manifest  in  this  lecture  towards  the  other 
civihsed  Powers  of  the  European  Con- 
tinent is  due  to  the  fact  that  these  Powers 
have,  by  their  recent  action,  shown  them- 
selves to  be  opposed  to  any  closer  union 
between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain ;  that  by  several  of  their  institu- 
tions, as  well  as  by  their  foreign  and  com- 
mercial policy,  they  are  not  yet  prepared 
for  a  more  general  federation  of  civilised 
nations ;  and  that  the  prevailing  spirit  of 
vi 


Preface 

Ethnological  Chauvinism  among  them  is 
not  only  an  impediment  to  wider  humani- 
tarian brotherhood,  but  is  destructive  of 
the  inner  peace  and  good-will  among  the 
citizens  of  each  nation.  I  feel  so  strongly 
what  I  have  said  of  this  curse  of  Ethno-  - 
logical  Chauvinism  that  if  it  were  possible 
to  create  effective  leagues  and  associations 
among  the  civilised  nations,  and,  moreover, 
associations  with  a  negative  or  defensive 
object,  I  should  like  to  urge  the  institu- 
tion of  a  great  Anti-Chauvinistic  League 
among  the  enlightened  people  of  all  na- 
tionahties,  to  join  together  in  combating 
this  evil  spirit  in  whatever  form  it  may 
manifest  itself  But  I  am  not  so  visionary 
as  to  think  that  such  a  league  could  be 
formed  at  the  present  juncture." 

Since  I  wrote  this  preface  last  July,  I  have 
visited  the  United  States,  where,  the  im- 
mediate war  with  Spain  being  over,  I  found 
the  country  drifting  into  a  division  on 
what  has  been  called  the  Expansion  Policy, 
vii 


Preface 

I  found  that  many  of  my  friends,  actuated 
by  the  noblest  motives,  were  opposed  to 
Expansion  on  grounds  which,  however 
high  and  noble,  appeared  to  me  none  the 
less  fallacious.  Moreover,  in  conversation 
with  them  and  others,  I  came  to  realise 
that  there  were  points  of  view,  inseparable 
from  an  intimate  knowledge  of  European 
affairs  gained  in  living  on  the  scenes 
where  these  events  are  enacted,  with  which 
they  were  more  or  less  unfamiliar.  And 
these  points  of  view  appear  to  me  essential 
to  a  correct  understanding  of  the  situation 
and  of  the  whole  question  of  American 
Expansion.  The  most  prominent  fallacy, 
and  at  the  same  time  the  most  misleading  in 
its  effects,  appeared  to  me  the  assumption 
on  the  part  of  the  Anti-Expansionists  (an 
assumption  in  danger  of  being  accepted  by 
their  opponents  from  the  very  frequency  of 
its  repetition)  :  that  those  who  oppose  Ex- 
pansion are  actuated  by  the  ideal  side  and 
represent  it  exclusively ;  that  they  uphold. 


Preface 

against  material  interests,  the  integrity  of 
American  idealism.  There  was  and  is 
danger  that,  when  such  statements  are 
repeated  sufficiently  often  to  become  com- 
monplaces, the  Expansionists  will  ac- 
quiesce in  this  misstatement  from  sheer 
impatience  and  pugnacity,  and  will  thus 
be  robbed  of  the  living  strength  which  is 
at  the  very  core  of  their  own  movement, 
its  lofty  idealism,  —  that  they  will  at 
last  subside  into  the  cynical  acceptance 
of  a  low  materialistic  view  which  turns  its 
back  upon  "  cant,"  and  that  the  whole 
national  life  will  suffer  in  consequence. 
When  I  realised  this,  it  did  not  require 
the  encouragement  of  my  friends  to  make 
me  feel  that  there  was  a  call  for  me  to 
speak  in  the  cause  of  truth  and  to  publish 
what  I  have  to  say  on  the  Expansion  of 
Western  Ideals. 

THE   AUTHOR. 
South  Orange,  N.  J. 
June  5,  1899. 

ix 


Contents 


PAGE 

THE  EXPANSION  OF  WESTERN  IDEALS 

AND  THE  world's   PEACE  ...        I  5 

THE  ENGLISH-SPEAKING  BROTHER- 
HOOD         115 


The  Expansion  of  Western 

Ideals  and  The  World's 

Peace 


I 


IN  his  remarks  following  my  lecture  on 
the  English-Speaking  Brotherhood 
here  published,  Lord  Rosebery  ^  offers  a 
graceful  and  gentle  criticism  of  two  of  the 
chief  points  insisted  upon  by  me. 

With  regard  to  my  objection  to  the 
racial  element  contained  in  the  term 
Anglo-Saxon,  he  says :  "  Our  lecturer  took 
exception  to  the  term  Anglo-Saxon,  and 
he  took  exception  very  justly  to  that  term 
as  not  being  truly  a  scientific  description 
of  our  race.  But  I  think  he  would  agree 
with  me  in  saying  that  the  same  objec- 
tions would  lie  against  a  generic  descrip- 
tion of  almost  any  other  race  in  the  world 

1  See  'Appreciations  and  Addresses,'  delivered  by 
Lord  Rosebery,  K.  G.,  K.  T.,  1899,  pages  261-269 
(John   Lane). 

15 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

—  that  there  is  hardly  a  race  in  the  world 
inhabiting  its  ®wn  territory  —  I  cannot 
recall  one  at  this  moment  —  which  can  be 
strictly  called  a  race,  if  all  the  objections 
which  lie  against  the  term  Anglo-Saxon 
lie  against  the  adjective  which  may  be 
applied  to  that  race.  I  do  not  plead  for 
the  word  Anglo-Saxon.  I  would  welcome 
any  other  term  than  Anglo-Saxon  which 
in  a  more  conciliatory,  a  more  scientific, 
and  more  adequate  manner  would  de- 
scribe the  thing  I  want  to  describe.  But 
whether  you  call  it  British  or  Anglo- 
Saxon,  or  whatever  you  call  it,  the  fact  is 
that  the  race  is  there  and  the  sympathy 
of  the  race  is  there.  How  you  arrive  at 
that  sympathy,  whether  it  be  purely  by 
language,  or  as,  perhaps,  I  think  more 
truly,  by  the  moral,  intellectual,  and 
political  influences  under  which  a  nation- 
ality has  grown  up  —  how  you  arrive  at 
that  sympathy,  it  is  foreign  to  my  pur- 
i6 


and  The  World's  Peace 

pose  to  discuss  to-day.  But  this  at  least 
we  may  say,  that  when  a  nation  has  in- 
habited certain  boundaries  without  dis- 
turbance for  a  considerable  number  of 
centuries,  even  though  it  has  received 
accessions  from  foreign  nations,  and  when 
it  has  fused  those  accessions  from  foreign 
nations  into  its  own  nationality,  and 
made  them  accept  the  name  and  lan- 
guage and  laws  and  the  facts  of  that 
nationality,  it  seems  to  me  that  for  all 
practical  purposes  you  have  a  nation  and 
a  race." 

Evidently  in  my  lecture  I  failed  to  ex- 
press as  clearly  and  pointedly  as  I  desired 
to  do  the  fundamental  viciousness  of  the 
idea  of  race  as  affecting  modern  inter- 
national politics  —  nay,  national  politics, 
—  in  its  immediately  disintegrating  influ- 
ence upon  the  life  of  the  nation,  and  in 
its  ultimately  retarding  the  realisation  of 
humanitarian  ideals.  And  I  was  opposed 
2  17 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

to  the  Chauvinism  implied  in,  and  engen- 
dered by,  racial  distinctions;  to  the  tone 
of  passion  which  it  breeds;  to  the  native 
inimical  attitude  towards  other  races 
which  it  fosters.  In  "  community  of  race" 
stress  is  laid,  not  upon  the  uniting  power 
of  ideas,  but  upon  that  of  mere  consan- 
guinity. It  is  true,  love  may  grow  out  of 
this  as  well  as  hatred  —  but  in  any  case  pas- 
sion. In  substituting  the  phrase  "  English- 
Speaking  Brotherhood  "  for  "  Anglo-Saxon 
Alliance "  I  wished  to  accentuate  the 
communion  of  ideas,  which  do  not  in  the 
same  way  evoke  passion,  —  that  is,  personal 
passion, — and  if  they  do,  produce  that  form 
which  is  least  destructive  and  degrading, 
namely,  the  passion  for  ideas.  I  know 
that  in  the  phrase  I  adopted  the  promi- 
nence given  to  language  fails  to  express 
the  full  meaning  I  wished  to  convey. 
"  English-speaking  "  only  stood  as  a  sym- 
bol for  the  life,  institutions,  laws, and  ideals 
i8 


and  The  World's  Peace 

of  the  English-speaking  nations;  and  I 
should  gratefully  accept  any  other  phrase 
which  conveyed  my  thoughts  more  ade- 
quately. But,  after  all,  the  Word,  \0709, 
has  before  this  been  used  to  symbolise  a 
vast  range  of  thought.  The  more  I  con- 
sider Lord  Rosebery's  criticism,  the  more 
am  I  inclined  to  believe  that  his  mis- 
understanding of  the  main  gist  of  my 
objection  was  not  wholly  due  to  the  in- 
adequacy of  my  presentation.  For  I  find 
that  at  the  end  of  the  passage  here  quoted 
he  gives  nation  and  race  as  convertible 
terms  —  which  is  the  last  thing  I  would 
admit. 

If  this  was  my  general  reason  for  object- 
ing to  the  term  Anglo-Saxon,  the  more 
immediate  and  special  reason,  which  at 
the  time  led  me  to  raise  my  voice  at  all, 
has  been  proved  by  recent  events  to  have 
been  good  and  strong.  The  opposition 
which  at  first  produced  Mr.  Davitt's 
19 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

strictures  as  representing  the  Irish  ele- 
ment in  Great  Britain  has,  as  I  antici- 
pated, found  a  more  powerful  response  in 
the  United  States.  The  ineptitude  of  the 
phrase  Anglo-Saxon,  as  meant  to  convey 
the  element  of  unity  and  cohesion  be- 
tween the  inhabitants  of  the  United 
States  and  of  Greater  Britain,  has  not 
only  been  properly  exposed  in  the  pages  of 
Mr.  Dooley's  powerful  satire,  but  has  also 
quite  recently  been  publicly  condemned  in 
the  mass-meetings  held  principally  in  the 
Western  States.  This  protest  is  headed 
by  the  German  section  of  the  American 
people;  who,  no  doubt,  incited  to  opposi- 
tion by  the  misleading  phrase,  have 
protested  against  the  great  idea  it  was 
meant  to  carry.  I  feel  confident  that 
every  day  will  prove  more  convincingly 
how  mischievous  the  effect  of  such  a 
misplaced  word  can  be. 

With    the   doubts    expressed    by   Lord 
20 


and  The  World's  Peace 

Rosebery  on  a  second  point  in  my  lecture 
I  can  fully  sympathise.  They  have  since 
found  forcible  expression  in  the  United 
States,  notably  in  a  leader  in  the  "  Spring- 
field Republican"  (May  i8,  1899),  in 
which  reference  is  made  to  an  article  by 
a  Russian  writer  in  the  "Independent" 
showing  the  blessings  arising  out  of  an 
extension  of  the  Czar's  rule  through  Asia. 
Lord  Rosebery  says :  "  But  I  must  warn 
you  against  a  pitfall  that  lurks  even  in 
that  expression.  It  is  this  —  that,  put- 
ting the  conscientious  Russian,  whom 
the  Professor  summoned  to  give  testi- 
mony, aside,  I  am  afraid  all  the  other 
great  nations  of  the  world  are  under  the 
same  impression  as  to  the  spread  of  their 
power  and  their  empire.  I  doubt  if  the 
Germans  or  the  French,  for  example,  and 
I  make  bold  to  say  even  the  Russians, 
though  they  have  been  quoted  against  the 
argument  by  the  lecturer,  would  be  dis- 
21 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

posed  to  say  that  the  extension  of  their 
several  empires  was  not  in  the  best  inter- 
ests of  the  human  race.  That  is  a  feel- 
ing common  to  all  nationalities,  and  we 
can  only  hope  that  we  indulge  in  it  with 
more  reason  and  on  a  broader  basis  than 
do  the  others  I  have  mentioned." 

Such  arguments  appear  conclusive. 
Still,  I  venture  to  believe  that  they  will 
not  stand  close  and  serious  scrutiny.  Of 
course,  what  I  have  to  reply  is  not  so 
much  in  the  nature  of  argument  as  of  fact ; 
and  these  facts,  from  their  very  nature, 
are  not  readily  tested.  I  can  only  give 
my  personal  experience,  and  rely  upon  the 
faith  in  my  personal  veracity  of  state- 
ment. But  I  venture  to  believe  that  there 
are  so  many  who  will  bear  me  out  in  my 
experience,  that  we  need  not  resort  to  a 
universal  census  of  uninfluenced  popular 
opinion  throughout  all  European  nations 
(if   this  were  possible)  to  test  the  truth 

22 


and  The  World's  Peace 

of  my  contention.  Ask  the  simple  ques- 
tion: "Do  you  think  that  the  cause  of 
civilisation,  generally  social  and  politi- 
cal, as  well  as  in  the  national  education 
of  the  individual,  would  be  furthered  more 
rapidly  and  effectually  by  the  expansion 
of  the  English-speaking  nations  or  by 
that  of  Russia  or  any  other  of  the  Con- 
tinental nations  or  grouping  of  these?" 
My  own  experience  as  regards  this  ques- 
tion is  conclusive. 

I  would,  in  the  first  instance,  point, 
not  to  Nihilists,  political  malcontents,  or 
those  in  the  political  opposition  (these, 
of  course,  disbelieve  in  Russian  methods), 
but  to  genuine  patriotic  Russians  of  the 
educated  and  ruling  classes,  who  have 
distinctly  expressed  their  admiration  of 
English  and  American  social  and  political 
institutions,  and  have  looked  forward  to 
the  day  when  these  institutions  and  the 
moral  and  intellectual  tone  of  the  nations 
23 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

possessing  them  would  be  introduced  into 
their  own  country.  They  distinctly  im- 
plied, and  sometimes  stated  definitely, 
that  humanity  would  gain  more  by  the 
expansion  of  these  advanced  peoples  than 
by  that  of  their  own  nation. 

In  spite  of  the  temporary  state  of  ill 
feeling,  arising  out  of  rivalry  and  misun- 
derstandings fostered  by  political  rulers 
in  Germany  for  definite  and  immediate 
political  ends  (a  state  of  affairs  as  much 
to  be  deplored  as  it  is  bound  ultimately 
to  give  way  to  a  better  understanding), 
the  number  of  Germans  —  and  these  the 
best  and  highest  among  them  —  who  are 
intense  admirers  of  the  social  and  polit- 
ical life  and  institutions  of  Great  Britain 
and  America  is  greater  than  the  German 
Anglophobes  are  willing  to  admit.  And 
I  am  confident,  that,  though  everybody 
will  willingly  concede  to  Germany  its  high 
place  in  the  sphere  of  intellectual  educa- 
24 


and  The  World's  Peace 

tion  as  fostered  by  its  excellent  schools 
and  universities,  the  Germans  themselves 
whose  opinions  count  will  recognise  the 
superior  political  education  and  the  social 
element  which  is  its  outcome  as  they  are  to 
be  found  in  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States.  The  necessary  logical  conclusion 
to  such  an  admission  is :  that  it  is  better 
for  the  world  at  large  that  the  politically 
superior  nation  should  expand  its  political 
influence,  even  though  the  politically  in- 
ferior nation  be  possessed  of  superior  scien- 
tific attainment.  For  the  first  steps  in 
civilisation  are  necessarily  political. 

I  shall  never  forget  one  of  the  most 
impressive  and  touching  —  I  was  almost 
about  to  say  tragic  —  conversations  I  have 
ever  had.  It  was  with  a  great  statesman, 
now  dead,  the  leader  of  the  political  life 
of  one  of  the  smaller  states  of  Europe, 
who,  in  the  opinion  of  many  eminent 
diplomats  of  various  nations,  would  have 
25 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

found  his  fittest,  and  probably  most  suc- 
cessful, sphere  of  activity  in  one  of  the 
great  states.  Our  conversation  on  patri- 
otism, which  we  discussed  from  every 
conceivable  point  of  view,  had  lasted  for 
some  hours  during  which  his  face  beamed 
with  intellectual  vigor  and  the  strength 
of  his  concentrated  and  controlled  will, 
while  he  maintained  all  his  points  with 
incisive  eloquence.  He  seemed  to  have 
exhausted  all  that  could  be  said  on  his 
side,  and  then  paused.  I  did  not  inter- 
rupt his  silence  and  watched  him  as  he 
sat  in  thoughtful  concentration,  blind  to 
the  outer  world,  and  merely  following 
the  sequence  of  images  that  were  passing 
before  his  inner  eye.  I  noted  how  grad- 
ually the  expression  of  youthful  energy 
and  alertness  faded  from  his  face;  the 
eye  grew  duller  as  the  lids,  briskly  raised 
before,  wearily  descended  over  the  orbs; 
the  features  seemed  to  grow  more  heavy, 
26 


and  The  World's  Peace 

the  furrows  and  wrinkles  more  accentu- 
ated, all  the  lines  were  drawn  downwards; 
the  head  sank  further  forward  on  the 
breast ;  the  arms  hung  relaxed,  and  the 
tall  body  seemed  shrunk  into  itself. 

After  this  long  pause  he  slowly  and 
wearily  turned  his  head  towards  me,  and, 
with  an  expression  and  a  voice  in  which 
deep  sorrow  and  affectionate  kindness 
were  mingled,  he  said:  "You  are  fortu- 
nate, inexpressibly  fortunate,  my  young 
friend.  For  you  have  never  felt  the  soul- 
deadening  doubt  which  so  often  assails 
me  and  clips  the  wings  of  my  imagination 
as  it  soars  up  like  a  dove  in  the  morning 
sun,  carrying  with  it  the  great  message 
of  my  life,  the  love  of  my  own  country. 
You  have  never  felt  the  doubt  which  has 
so  often  assailed  me  and  which  comes 
over  me  now:  Whether  it  is  ultimately 
right  and  good  that  my  country  should 
live  and  grow,  — nay,  that  it  should  exist, 
27 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

as  a  country  at  all?  Whether  there  are 
sufficient  grounds,  sufficient  in  view  of 
what  is  ultimately  to  be  in  the  rightness 
of  things,  for  the  solidarity  and  separate- 
ness  of  these  people  grouped  together  by 
tradition  and  language?  Whether  these 
traditions  are  likely  to  survive,  and 
whether  they  are  worthy  of  survival  ? 
Whether  even  this  language,  which  I  love 
and  do  all  to  foster  and  improve  in  its 
ancient  purity,  can  ever  develop  effec- 
tively, and  ought  to  be  maintained  for  any 
reason  beyond  mere  literary  and  philolo- 
gical convenience?  Whether,  in  short, 
it  would  not  be  best  to  cast  down  the 
barriers  that  separate  us  from  you,  and 
whether,  do  what  we  will,  our  best  acts 
do  not  merely  tend  to  bring  us  nearer  to 
you  and  to  accelerate  our  ultimate  absorp- 
tion within  the  sphere  of  spiritual  influ- 
ence emanating  from  you  ?  I  ask  myself 
whether  my  life,  in  so  far  as  I  am  directly 
28 


and  The  World's  Peace 

*  patriotic, '  has  not  been  wasted;  whether 
I  am  not  wasting  it  now ;  and  whether  it 
is  not  all  a  delusion  ?  You  are  fortunate, 
my  friend,  for  you  need  never  have  these 
doubts  which  bring  sadness  to  the  very 
core  of  man's  heart;  for  you  belong  to 
the  great  nations  which  manifestly,  ad- 
mittedly, beyond  all  doubt,  represent  the 
best  that  man  has  thought  out  and  acted 
out  up  to  this  day.  You  can  frankly  be 
a  '  patriot '  at  all  times  and  in  every 
mood.  For  you  can  remain  confident  that 
when  you  advance  the  interests  of  your 
own  country  you  are  ultimately  in  har- 
mony with  the  world's  great  good,  you  are 
advancing  the  highest  ideas  which  nations 
have  yet  attained  politically." 

I  quote  these  words  because  they  ex- 
press fully  what  the  unbiassed  thought 
of  foreign  nations  must  concede  to  us. 

Now  if  we  ask  the  same  question  in 
Great  Britain  or  the  United  States,  though 
29 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

many  of  us  admire  many  institutions,  cus- 
toms, intellectual  habits  and  attainments 
characteristic  of  other  nations,  and  should 
like  to  see  these  replace  our  own,  we 
should  find  it  difficult  to  meet  with  any 
responsible  person  who  would  seriously 
and  deliberately  like  to  see  our  own  social 
and  political  institutions  replaced  by 
those  of  any  other  nation.  We  do  occa- 
sionally meet  with  impatient  outbursts 
against  the  very  core  of  our  political  life, 
namely,  representative  or  parliamentary 
government ;  especially  when  some  defi- 
nite abuses  in  individual  cases,  and  the 
slow  and  cumbersome  procedure  in  view 
of  practical  issues,  have  aroused  such  a 
burst  of  impatient  indignation.  But 
these  are  never  the  expression  of  deliber- 
ate opinion  as  regards  the  ultimate  tenets 
of  representative  government.  I  have 
even  occasionally  come  across  positive 
admiration  of  the  results  of  autocratic 
30 


and  The  World's  Peace 

government   and   a  momentary  desire  to 
see  it  applied  to  our  own  difficulties. 

We  have  all  of  us  occasionally  longed 
for  the  "intelligent  autocrat;"  but  I 
doubt  whether  any  one  in  his  senses 
would  have  been  satisfied  with  an  unin- 
telligent tyrant.  Such  a  desire,  moreover, 
meant  that  this  ruler  should  be  placed 
over  people  who  have  themselves  been 
for  many  generations  trained  in  self- 
government  under  advanced  conditions 
of  life  and  order  in  the  communities  — 
the  outcome  of  our  political  institutions. 
This  momentary  revulsion  against  parlia- 
mentary forms  of  government  among  our 
Western  nations  has  generally  been  ex- 
pressed by  those  who  have  definite  prac- 
tical and  administrative  ends  in  view, 
which,  for  the  nonce,  they  see  retarded 
by  the  cumbersome  and  sometimes  cor- 
rupt machinery  of  representative  govern- 
ment. They  are  the  administrators  or 
31 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

diplomats,  those  with  whom  it  is  natural 
that  the  means  of  government  should  be 
made  the  end,  —  dealing  with  questions  of 
internal  administration  or  foreign  con- 
quest which  are  so  readily  solved  and  an- 
swered in  the  simpler  and  ruder  forms  of 
autocratic  government.  They  ignore,  under 
the  pressure  of  the  immediate  task  before 
them,  the  ultimate  goal  at  which  their 
government  aims,  namely,  the  spread  of 
individual  liberty,  the  education  of  the 
people  in  all  the  ideas  which  stand  for 
the  highest  civilisation.  Yet  it  is  be- 
cause we  were  more  likely  to  fulfil  these 
great  tasks  which  are  ultimately  condu- 
cive to  security  of  life  and  to  freedom 
of  action,  and  thus  to  the  happiness  of 
those  governed,  that  the  intelligent  for- 
eigner prefers  our  institutions  —  because 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  rep- 
resent these  ideas. 

If  the  English-speaking  people  are  thus 
32 


and  The  World's  Peace 

the  representatives  of  the  highest  civili- 
sation and  are  reaping  its  blessings,  it  is 
their  duty,  as  well  as  their  privilege,  to 
hand  on  the  torch  which  has  thus  been 
placed  in  their  hands  by  their  ancestors, 
even  into  districts  where  at  present  total 
darkness  reigns  supreme. 

These  views  are  more  or  less  con- 
sciously held  throughout  the  whole  of 
Greater  Britain;  and  though  there  be 
a  small  party  of  Little-Englanders,  this 
party  is  a  "negligible  quantity."  I  have 
no  doubt  that  they  are  also  the  views 
held  by  the  majority  of  citizens  in  the 
United  States,  whose  numbers  will  become 
still  greater  the  more  Americans  realise 
the  state  of  the  world's  politics  and  the 
position  they  are  bound  to  take  in  it,  as 
well  as  the  duties  which  their  prominent 
position  in  the  world's  affairs  imposes 
upon  them.  But  my  present  stay  in  the 
United  States  has  shown  me  that  there 
3  33 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

is  a  not  inconsiderable  portion  of  the 
American  people  who  are  opposed  to  what 
is  called  Expansion;  and  these  are  far 
from  being  recruited  from  the  least  in- 
telligent and  high-minded  citizens — in 
fact  they  are  made  up,  to  a  considerable 
extent,  of  men  actuated  by  the  highest 
motives  and  representing,  as  they  hon- 
estly believe,  the  truest  and  noblest  tradi- 
tions of  American  liberty.  Their  chief 
objection  to  Expansion,  as  we  shall  see, 
is  that  we  are  losing  sight  of  our  ideals 
in  following  its  allurements.  Yet  I  main- 
tain emphatically,  and  I  hope  to  succeed 
in  showing,  that  the  best  Expansionists 
and  the  best  Anti-Expansionists  are  both 
ultimately  guided  by  ideals;  only  that 
the  Expansionist's  ideals  are  wider  than 
those  of  the  Anti-Expansionist  and,  being 
greater,  include  them. 

In    considering    the   objections    raised 
against  Expansion   in  the  United  States 
34 


and  The  World's  Peace 

we  discover  three  main  grounds  upon 
which  the  objectors  stand :  the  first  is 
distinctly  and  exclusively  that  of  their 
native  soil;  the  second  is  that  of  their 
supposed  traditional  American  ideals; 
and  the  third,  more  negative  and  modest, 
is  that  of  present  unfitness  for  the  wider 
task. 

It  would  not  be  fair  to  maintain  that 
the  bulk  of  American  Anti-Expansionists 
hold  this  first  ground :  it  is  purely  sel- 
fish, narrow,  "  back-yard. "  "  We  are  well 
enough  off  at  home,  why  trouble  about 
things  outside.''  "  It  is  readily  understood 
how  every  thoughtful  and  far-sighted  citi- 
zen, not  to  speak  of  statesmen,  must  real- 
ise, that  if  the  United  States  is  suflficient 
unto  itself,  materially  and  morally,  at  the 
present  day  and  for  some  years  to  come, 
the  enormous  growth  of  industry,  the  in- 
crease of  population,  the  intensifying  of 
international  relations,  economically  and 
35 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

morally,  make  such  an  isolation  in  the 
future,  not  only  disastrous,  but  absurd. 
A  Chinese  wall  round  a  community  living 
under  the  highest  conditions  of  modern 
civilisation  does  not  only  debar  it  from 
the  introduction  of  advantages  offered  by 
other  nations,  but  may  also  lead  to  the  dis- 
agreeable surprise  of  finding  closed  doors 
when  it  is  found  advantageous  to  issue 
out  of  the  Chinese  wall.  And  it  is  not 
reasonable  to  expect  that  he  who  has  con- 
sistently sat  at  home  within  his  four  walls, 
while  others  have  been  paving  streets  and 
forcing  doors,  should  at  some  late  period, 
when  it  happens  to  suit  him,  find  these 
streets  ready  for  his  pleasant  perambu- 
lations and  the  doors  complacently  held 
open  for  his  easy  entrance.  This  whole 
view  seems  to  me  so  fatuous  and  puerile, 
that  I  cannot  conceive  of  its  being  held 
by  thoughtful  people.  Meanwhile,  it  is 
necessary  to  point  out  that  this  material- 
36 


and  The  World's  Peace 

istic  ground  of  objection  is  in  fundamental 
contradiction  to  that  of  the  idealistic 
Anti-Expansionist ;  and  that  nobody  can 
consistently  and  sincerely  urge  the  two 
grounds  together  or  a  coalition  between 
those  actuated  by  either  of  these  two 
motives.  You  cannot  conceivably  find 
any  element  of  the  Ideal  (American,  or 
otherwise),  in  the  purely  selfish  view 
which  maintains  that  you  need  not  ex- 
pand because  you  are  happy  enough  at 
home. 

I  hope  I  am  not  wilfully  caricaturing 
the  views  of  those  serious  and  noble  Anti- 
Expansionists  in  America,  among  whom 
are  some  of  my  most  honoured  friends,  if 
I  maintain  that  there  is,  nevertheless, 
some  link,  some  half-conscious  analogy  of 
reasoning,  between  their  views  and  those 
of  the  "back-yard"  Anti-Expansionists. 
They  seem  to  hold,  that  one  of  the  spe- 
cific elements  in  the  American  ideal 
37 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

is  this  separateness  and  aloofness  from 
the  great  current  of  international  affairs 
throughout  the  civilised  and  uncivilised 
world.  As  if  the  framers  of  the  "  Con- 
stitution," and  those  who  formulated  the 
"Monroe  Doctrine,"  had  forever  debarred 
the  United  States  from  its  share  in  fash- 
ioning the  world's  destiny  —  or,  rather, 
as  if  they  had  granted  them  in  perpetuity 
immunity  from  the  heavy  burden  of  tasks 
which  the  noblesse  oblige  of  civilisation 
puts  upon  those  who  enjoy  its  privileges. 
"The  Russian,  the  Italian,  the  French, 
the  Dutch,  the  Belgian,  the  German,  and 
the  British  may  all  carry  the  fruits  of 
their  civilisation  into  distant  parts.  We 
have  no  such  task  before  us.  Our  ideal 
is  to  stay  at  home !  "  If  the  "  back-yard  " 
Anti-Expansionist  is  materially  selfish, 
one  who  argues  thus  is  morally  selfish. 

He  must,  moreover,  realise  that  in  this 
diffusion  of  influence  there  is  practically 
38 


and  The  World's  Peace 

but  one  alternative  to  choose,  namely,  the 
system  of  colonisation  followed  by  the 
Continental  nations  of  Europe,  most 
prominently  represented  by  Russia,  as 
contrasted  with  the  system  followed  by  the 
English-speaking  peoples,  hitherto  repre- 
sented by  Great  Britain.  As  Mr.  Kidd 
has  put  it :  ^  "  More  clearly  than  in  either 
England  or  America,  is  it  perceived  [on 
the  European  Continent]  that,  as  the  re- 
sult of  existing  developments,  the  world 
outside  of  Europe  tends  in  the  future  to 
be  controlled  in  the  main  by  only  two 
sets  of  forces,  those  which  proceed  from 
the  peoples  who  speak  English,  and  those 
which  proceed  from  the  peoples  who  speak 
Russian."  When  now  he  realises  that, 
of  the  two,  the  English-speaking  system, 
as  well  as  the  institutions  and  ideas  en- 
forced by  it,  is  the  higher  and  better,  and 

1  The  Control  of  the  Tropics,  by  Benjamin  Kidd, 
p.  27. 

39 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

that  his  state  is  one  of  the  most  prominent 
representatives  of  these  institutions  and 
ideas,  he  cannot  possibly  leave  the  task 
of  the  expansion  of  these  ideas  to  the 
British  section  of  the  English-Speaking 
Brotherhood  and  self-complacently  remain 
at  home. 

History,  however,  is  too  much  for  these 
doctrinaires.  The  unstemmable  tide  of 
great  events  has  proved  kinder  to  the 
United  States,  in  view  of  its  honorable 
plaoe  in  the  future  history  of  mankind, 
than  the  most  well-meant  advice  of  many 
of  its  teachers.  We  are  in  the  midst  of 
what  may  be  the  most  thrilling  moment 
of  the  world's  history  in  our  own  century 
and  perhaps  of  many  centuries  that  have 
preceded  ours.  The  Heracles  Soter  stands 
at  the  crossways;  and  it  is  of  supreme 
importance  which  direction  the  wielder 
of  great  strength  will  take.  Now,  a  new 
direction  has  been  given  to  the  drift  of 
40 


and  The  World's  Peace 

international  affairs  within  the  last  two 
years,  and  this  essential  modification  in 
the  current  of  the  world's  politics  is 
caused  by  the  advent  of  the  United 
States  of  America  among  the  powers 
which  fashion  the  destiny  of  nations.  In 
spite  of  the  extent  of  its  territory  and 
population,  in  spite  of  its  great  wealth 
and  the  intellectual  vitality  of  its  people, 
creating  and  solving  so  many  problems  of 
internal  national  life,  the  United  States, 
up  to  our  own  days,  was  considered  a 
"negligible  quantity"  by  the  European 
diplomat  in  all  that  concerned  the  vaster 
issues  of  international  policy.  It  might 
have  been  used  as  a  blind  factor,  as  a 
pawn  in  the  great  game,  but  never  as  an 
active  and  determining  agent. 

All  this  has  been  changed  within  the 
last  few  years.     I  am  not  referring  solely 
to  the  Spanish-American  war  and  its  im- 
mediate   results,    still   less   to  the  mode 
41 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

and  methods  of  its  beginning.  It  is  to 
the  results  of  conditions  preceding,  and 
incidental  to,  this  war  that  I  attach  this 
supreme  importance  of  the  United  States 
as  a  determining  factor  in  the  world's 
politics.  To  understand  this  we  must  go 
further  afield  into  the  study  of  recent 
European  politics;  and  we  shall  then 
understand  what  part  the  United  States 
played  and  what  part  she  is  likely  to  play 
in  the  future. 

Whether  Mr.  Stillman^  be  right  or  not, 
the  attitude  of  the  United  States  towards 
Great  Britain,  as  displayed  for  many 
years  past,  not  only  enabled  Continental 
diplomacy  to  ignore  any  check  to  its  anti- 
English  policy  which  might  come  from 
that  quarter,  but  even  to  count  upon  this 
very  opposition  as  a  means  of  neutralis- 
ing any  vigorous  action,  offensive  or  de- 

1  See  his  letter  on  "  Germany  and  the  Armenians  " 
in  the  "Evening  Post"  of  New  York,  of  May  20,  1899. 
42 


and  The  World's  Peace 

fensive,  on  the  part  of  England.  To  any 
doubts  as  to  whether  this  state  of  un- 
friendliness —  if  not  animosity  —  was  not 
accidental  and  passing,  an  answer  was 
given  which  has  some  foundation  in  the 
experience  of  social  psychologists.  It 
was  said :  "  Oh,  there  is  no  greater  rivalry 
and  antagonism  than  that  of  cousins ; 
family  quarrels  are  the  last  to  be  adjusted ; 
physical  and  moral  proximity,  besides 
constantly  creating  conditions  fostering 
irritation  and  the  loss  of  temper,  make 
the  differences,  even  the  slight  ones,  stand 
out  the  more  strongly,  because  of  the 
same  plane  of  comparison,  which  is  quite 
absent  where  people  are  remote  from  each 
other  in  every  sense,  and  the  differences 
are  so  fundamental  as  to  give  full  sway 
to  the  sympathetic  faculty."  Historical 
facts  have  constantly  borne  this  out.  It 
was,  is,  and  —  in  spite  of  all  recent 
changes  —  will  be,  upon  this  factor  that 
43 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

Continental  diplomacy  is  likely  to  count. 
Is  it  merely  a  coincidence,  a  mere  mat- 
ter of  chance,  that  the  petty  Venezuelan 
question  should  have  twice  turned  up  so 
opportunely  to  enable  the  enemies  of 
England  (surely,  in  this  case,  also  of 
humanity)  to  checkmate  that  country  in 
its  endeavours  to  solve  the  Armenian 
question?  According  to  Mr.  Stillman, 
England  had  the  support  of  Italy,  and  the 
consent  of  Germany  and  Austro-Hungary, 
in  its  plans  to  help  the  Armenians  in 
1887;  and  it  was  the  Venezuelan  question 
which  then  occurred  to  distract  the  atten- 
tion of  England  and  to  occupy  her  hands, 
so  that  she  had  to  desist  from  her  noble 
task.  Again  in  1896,  when  the  English 
government  had  practically  pledged  itself 
to  put  a  stop  to  Armenian  oppression, 
and  was,  at  the  same  time,  entangled  in 
one  of  the  most  difficult  crises  of  its  for- 
eign history  (the  South  African  imbroglio 
44 


and  The  World's  Peace 

almost  threatening  a  great  war,  difficul- 
ties in  Egypt,  warnings  in  India)  —  at  a 
moment  when  the  American  nation  ought 
to  have  joined  her  to  give  security  of  life 
to  the  Armenians,  and  the  majority  of 
the  American  people  were  actuated  by 
the  same  unselfish  enthusiasm  in  the 
cause  of  humanity  and  civilisation  —  it  was 
at  this  moment  that  the  "  Cleveland  Mes- 
sage "  came,  and  the  American  jingoes 
brought  war  with  Great  Britain  within 
sight.  If  this  was  a  mere  coincidence,  then 
such  a  conflux  of  conditions  favourable 
to  the  policy  of  Russia  has  never  before 
occurred.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at 
that  some  people  in  England  and  on  the 
Continent,  who  are  prepared  to  attribute 
any  methods  to  a  country  which  has  no 
account  to  give  of  its  foreign  action  to 
Parliament  or  to  the  public,  should  have 
suspected  that  the  action  of  the  United 
States  was  more  or  less  directly  brought 
45 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

about  by  Russia.  At  all  events  that 
"  Message  "  led  the  Continental  diplomat 
to  realise  that  even  war  was  not  impossi- 
ble between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States,  and  that  a  good  understanding, 
or  anything  like  common  action  between 
them,  was  far  removed  on  the  distant 
horizon-line  of  the  Barely-Possible.  I 
remember  discussing  the  European  situa- 
tion with  a  German  diplomat  more  than 
two  years  ago,  and  when  I  said,  that  the 
whole  character  of  civilised  politics  would 
be  changed  when  once  the  United  States 
entered  the  arena  and  came  to  a  closer 
understanding  with  Great  Britain,  he 
answered :  "  No  fear  of  that ! "  and  a  know- 
ing smile  was  on  his  face,  "the  '  Rhein- 
gold '  is  appearing  in  the  Northwest  of 
the  American  continent;  and  that  will 
keep  them  asunder  effectually,  if  nothing 
else  will."  Let  us  sincerely  hope  that  he 
did  not  speak  truth. 

46 


and  The  World's  Peace 

But  the  whole  face  of  the  diplomatic 
world  has  been  changed  since  1896.  The 
past  two  years  have  marked  the  great 
crisis  in  the  world's  history,  the  turning 
point  in  international  politics.  This  is 
due  to  the  advent  of  the  United  States 
and  of  American  ideas  as  factors  in  Euro- 
pean diplomacy.  Negatively,  this  great 
step  was  prepared  for  by  a  comparatively 
smaller  event,  the  Graeco-Turkish  war. 

I  cannot,  nor  need  I,  enter  here  into 
all  the  intricacies  of  the  Cretan  question 
which  led  to  the  Graeco-Turkish  war  of 
1897.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  the  Cretan 
troubles  existed  for  many  years  before 
they  led  to  that  war;  that  by  many  diplo- 
mats Crete  was  for  many  years  looked 
upon  as  the  touch-hole  to  the  Eastern 
question,  at  which  any  great  conflagration 
in  the  Near  East  might  easily  be  set 
ablaze,  if  such  a  conflagration  proved  con- 
venient and  desirable  at  that  moment  to 
47 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

the  powers  that  directed  European  affairs. 
Moreover,  we  have  reason  to  know  that 
the  pretensions,  and  even  the  revolu- 
tionary agitations  of  the  Cretans,  were  far 
from  being  discouraged  by  the  Russians 
up  to  that  moment.  At  no  time  were  the 
Cretans,  and  their  Greek  kinsmen  with 
them,  more  justified  in  claiming  the  sup- 
port of  the  Powers  that  had  directly  or 
indirectly  encouraged  them  in  putting  for- 
ward their  just  demands  than  in  1897. 
The  prompt  action  of  the  Greek  govern- 
ment in  the  Vassos  expedition  ought  to 
have  made  the  intervention  of  the  Euro- 
pean Powers  all  the  easier,  as  it  also 
intensified  the  sympathies  of  the  Euro- 
pean peoples.  At  all  events  it  made  it 
impossible  for  the  Greek  monarchy  to 
recall  Vassos  and  to  maintain  itself  in 
the  country.  It  was  then  that  the  Euro- 
pean Concert,  headed  by  Russia,  ordered 
the  Greeks  to  withdraw  Vassos,  and  showed 
48 


and  The  World's  Peace 

a  decided  antagonism  to  the  whole  Hel- 
lenic movement,  thus  bringing  about  the 
Graeco-Turkish  war.  England  was  dis- 
tinctly favourable,  if  not  to  the  granting 
of  all  the  requests  made  by  the  Greek 
government,  at  all  events  to  a  course 
which  would  have  facilitated  the  partial 
retreat  of  the  Greeks  under  conditions 
most  favourable  to  the  stability  of  the 
monarchy  and  to  the  gradual  remedy  of 
Cretan  evils.  But  the  European  Concert 
opposed  the  action  of  England  in  this 
respect,  and  the  most  curious  irony  in 
the  eccentric  course  of  diplomatic  history 
was  then  illustrated.  Russia,  who  had 
hitherto  found  her  ready,  obliging,  and 
most  helpful  ally  in  France,  in  the  Dual 
Alliance,  which  for  some  years  had  suc- 
cessfully wrestled  with  the  Triple  Alli- 
ance on  the  one  side,  and  England  on  the 
other  —  Russia  found  as  complaisant,  nay, 
a  more  energetic,  agent  of  its  policy  in 
4  49 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

Germany  (Austro-Hungary  following  in 
the  wake)  than  it  had  before  found 
in  France.  And,  more  singularly  ironi- 
cal still,  France,  whose  national  sym- 
pathies were  all  with  the  Greeks,  found 
herself  joining  hands  with  Germany  in 
obsequiously  doing  the  will  of  Russian 
diplomacy.  The  result  was  that  not  only 
was  Greece  left  to  its  fate,  but  the  whole 
moral  — nay,  even  more  than  moral  —  sup- 
port of  Europe  was  thrown  into  the  scales 
in  favour  of  Turkey.  And  when  Greece 
was  beaten,  was  thus  "  set  back "  in  its 
national  aspirations,  and  had  been  taught 
its  lesson  of  humility,  the  privileges 
begged  and  fought  for  by  the  Cretans 
were  granted,  and  were  wrested  from  the 
Turk,  who  had  meanwhile  been  victorious 
and  was  supposed  to  have  gained  a  new 
lease  of  life.  These  privileges  were, 
moreover,  graciously  granted  to  the  Cre- 
tans and  to  the  defeated  Greeks  at  the 
50 


and  The  World's  Peace 

manifest  initiative  of  the  Russians.  What 
may  have  appeared  puzzling,  if  not  in- 
explicable, to  the  uninitiated,  is  the  un- 
friendly and  relentless  attitude  of  Russia 
towards  Cretans  and  Greeks  before  their 
defeat,  when  the  Cretan  question  (to  a 
great  extent  made  what  it  had  become  by 
Russia  in  the  preceding  years)  came  to  a 
climax.  This  is  not  the  place  to  enter 
fully  into  this  question.  But  it  will  be 
enough  to  suggest  to  the  intelligent  and 
thoughtful,  that,  in  view  of  the  geograph- 
ical and  ethnological  conditions  of  the 
Eastern  Mediterranean  shores  (the  Greek 
population  predominating,  from  Thessaly 
round  through  Constantinople,  down  the 
whole  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  not  to  men- 
tion the  islands),  the  national  aspirations 
of  the  Hellenic  people  had  grown  too 
rapidly  and  too  strongly  within  the  last 
few  years,  when  considered  in  their  rela- 
tion to  the  interests  of  the  Slav  nations 
51 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

in  the  southeast  of  Europe,  These 
national  aspirations  had  found  a  manifest, 
though  quite  peaceful,  expression  in  the 
Olympic  games  celebrated  at  Athens  in 
1896,  and,  still  more  powerfully,  in  the 
secret  National  Greek  Society  which 
played  so  sad  a  part  during  the  Greek 
catastrophe  in  1897,  It  appeared  high 
time  that  Hellenic  aspirations  should  be 
repressed  and  not  allowed  to  prove  too 
dangerous  a  rival  to  the  Slav  predomi- 
nance of  the  future. 

I  venture  to  maintain  now,  in  the  light 
of  what  has  happened  since,  what  I  be- 
lieved and  urged,  so  far  as  I  was  able 
to  do  so,  before  these  events  happened, 
that  it  would  have  been  possible  for  the 
British  government  —  without  in  any  way 
falling  a  victim  to  the  bugbear  of  a 
great  European  war  —  to  have  settled  the 
Cretan  question  fully  as  well,  if  not  bet- 
ter, than  it  has  been  settled  now,  without 
52 


and  The  World's  Peace 

allowing  the  Greek  war  to  have  taken 
place  at  all,  and  without  the  severe  dis- 
asters that  have  befallen  the  Greek  mon- 
archy and  impaired  the  outer  prestige  and 
the  inner  self-respect  of  the  Greek  nation. 
It  is,  however,  important  to  consider 
the  further  results  of  these  events  upon 
the  position  of  England  in  the  European 
world  during  the  six  months  following 
the  Greek  defeat.  Russia,  with  Germany 
as  well  as  France  to  back  her,  stood 
supreme  as  the  leader,  if  not  the  dicta- 
tor, of  the  world's  affairs.  England, 
completely  isolated,  had  absolutely  lost 
her  prestige  in  the  Near  East  (through 
her  failure  in  the  Armenian  and  Greek 
affairs),  and  was  in  imminent  danger  of 
losing  it  in  the  Far  East  as  well.  In  the 
West  it  had  but  shortly  before  been  on 
the  verge  of  war  with  its  kinsfolk  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  cause  of  discon- 
tent was  far  from  being  removed.  In 
53 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

South  Africa  it  had  to  adjust  a  compli- 
cated and  humiliating  imbroglio,  and, 
meanwhile,  stormy  clouds  appeared  on 
the  northern  boundary  of  its  Indian  em- 
pire, where  the  Russian  antagonist  lies 
ever  watchful,  in  the  serious  Afridi 
rising. 

Never  was  the  position  of  Russia 
stronger,  and  that  of  England  weaker. 
This,  therefore,  was  the  moment  for  the 
colonial  expansion  of  the  Continental 
Powers,  as  opposed  to  that  of  Great 
Britain.  It  looked  like  the  easy  victory 
of  the  old  Continental  system  of  foreign 
possession  and  of  "closed  doors,"  over 
the  English-speaking  system  of  colonisa- 
tion with  "the  open  door." 

This  was  indeed  a  most  dramatic  mo- 
ment in  the  world's  history.  And  it  was 
then  that  the  United  States  entered  the 
arena  and  for  the  time  being  saved  the 
situation.  I  say  entered,  but  I  ought 
54 


and  The  World's  Peace 

rather  to  say  was  pushed  or  sucked  in  by 
the  force  of  circumstance,  and  perhaps  by 
the  over-hasty  diplomacy  of  Russia.  As 
a  matter  of  fact  they  had  over-reached 
themselves.  The  rapid  succession  of 
diplomatic  victories  which  had  flowed  in 
with  an  ease  and  readiness  that  must  have 
appeared  like  a  chapter  in  the  "Arabian 
Nights"  to  the  Russian  Foreign  Office; 
the  good  fortune,  the  good  cheer,  coming 
alike  to  the  pampered  appetite  of  Russia 
glutted  with  empire,  and  to  its  allies, 
starving  for  foreign  possessions,  seemed 
to  go  to  their  heads  and  to  produce  a 
hasty,  manifest  voraciousness,  which  at 
last  startled  even  those  who  had  a  good 
store  of  provisions  for  the  present,  but 
began  to  feel  apprehensive  about  their 
sustenance  in  the  future.  If  not  Russia, 
then,  at  least,  her  helpmate  in  the  over- 
throw of  the  poor  Greek,  Germany,  re- 
vealed these  signs  of  aggressive  expansion 
55 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

with  an  energy  and  haste  which  has  char- 
acterised its  action  of  late  years.  The 
partition  of  China  among  the  Continental 
Powers  began ;  the  main  point  being  to 
diminish,  so  far  as  possible,  the  influence 
of  England  there  as  well  as  in  Africa  — 
in  fact,  over  the  whole  world.  But  the 
very  violence  and  haste  of  this  action 
began  to  arouse  the  people  of  the  United 
States  to  the  consciousness  that  they  too 
had  paramount  interests  in  the  Far  East ; 
that,  considering  their  Pacific  coast,  they 
had  vital  interests  at  stake  in  China  with 
which  an  intimate  commercial  relation 
exists,  and  must  necessarily  grow  in  the 
future.  And  the  far-sighted  among  the 
American  people,  who  know  and  are 
familiar  with  history  in  the  past  and  can 
apply  its  teachings  to  the  future,  realised 
that  they  owed  it  to  the  future  genera- 
tions of  their  countrymen,  if  not  to  them- 
selves, that  the  United  States  should  not 
56 


and  The  World's  Peace 

be  shut  out  of  the  world's  commerce  in 
future  years  —  an  event  which  the  action 
of  the  Continental  Powers  made  only  too 
probable.  And  from  this  just  apprehen- 
sion they  turned  to  realise  positively  that 
the  system  of  expansion  of  Great  Britain 
with  the  "open  door,"  was  the  one  which 
conformed  completely  to  their  present 
and  future  interests  —  that,  in  short,  there 
were  two  clearly  defined  systems  opposed 
to  one  another,  the  one  that  of  the 
English-speaking  peoples,  to  which  the 
United  States  belongs,  the  other  that 
followed  at  present  by  the  Continental 
European  Powers  headed  by  Russia. 

I  need  not  enlarge  upon  this  fact  in 
view  of  the  admirable  exposition  which  it 
has  received  at  the  hands  of  Mr.  Benjamin 
Kidd.  ^  But,  while  naturally  accentuating 
in  his  book  the  question  of   commercial 

^  "  The  Control  of  the  Tropics,"  by  Benjamin  Kidd, 
New  York,  189S. 

57 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

and  material  interests  as  represented  in 
the  two  systems,  I  am  glad  to  find  that 
he  has  done  justice  also  to  the  political, 
social,  and  ethical  aspects  involved  in  the 
adoption  of  the  English-speaking  or  Rus- 
sian system.  He  has  shown  how  the  one 
responds  to  the  fundamental  spirit  of  the 
self-governing  peoples  in  considering  the 
ultimate  good  of  those  who  are  thus  to 
come  under  the  rule  of  expanded  empire; 
while  the  other  system  primarily  and 
essentially  considers  these  "  colonies  "  as 
possessions  which  are  to  be  exploited  for 
the  good  of  the  expanding  country.  To 
him  the  acquisition  of  such  territory  and 
power  is  primarily  to  be  conceived  as  a 
"  trust  for  civilisation  "  with  the  full  sense 
of  the  responsibility  which  such  a  trust 
involves.^ 

In    the   crisis    brought    about    by   the 
aggressive  Continental  Powers  in  China, 

1  Page  53. 
58 


and  The  World's  Peace 

the  people  of  the  United  States  further 
realised  that,  beyond  the  community  of 
material  interests,  they  had,  in  common 
with  Great  Britain,  the  spirit  which 
would  modify  the  expansion  of  their  in- 
terests in  contradistinction  to  that  inher- 
ent in  the  methods  followed  by  the  other 
nations. 

And  then,  at  last,  with  renewed  force, 
which  seemed  to  have  gained  additional 
strength  from  the  long  delay  and  the  wil- 
ful oblivion  of  its  existence,  they  realised 
their  kinship  in  national,  more  even  than 
in  racial,  character,  the  political,  social, 
and  moral  kinship  which  binds  them  to- 
gether. Then  came  the  war  with  Spain, 
and  by  the  action  of  Great  Britain  in  con- 
trast to  that  of  the  Continental  Powers, 
all  these  ties  which  make  for  union  were 
manifested  by  deeds,  as  before  by  feelings 
and  their  expression.  We  must  leave 
it  to  the  future  to  make  clear  to  the 
59 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

American  people  to  what  extent,  and  how 
effectually,  this  national  kinship  was 
manifested  by  Great  Britain  during  the 
Spanish  War.  It  would,  however,  be 
vain  for  those  whose  interest  it  is  to  op- 
pose the  closer  affiliation  between  these 
two  great  peoples,  to  point  to  the  acci- 
dental community  of  material  interests 
on  the  part  of  England  and  the  United 
States  in  order  to  account  for  the  warm 
feeling  of  kinship  which  has  grown  up 
between  them  within  these  days.  The 
fact  remains  that  such  feelings  could  not 
exist  between  them  if  they  were  not  based 
upon,  and  did  not  arise  out  of,  the  kin- 
ship of  political,  social,  and  moral  views, 
the  fundamental  identity  of  character,  as 
well  as  the  community  of  ideals. 

The  Spanish  War  thus  brought  to  an 

intense,   if   not  passionate,  climax,  by  a 

final  appeal  to  sentiment,  the  recognition 

of  a  community  of  interests  between  the 

60 


and  The  World's  Peace 

United  States  and  Great  Britain,  which 
the  action  of  Continental  Europe  in 
China  awakened.  The  united  aggression 
of  these  powers  against  England,  which 
at  that  moment  appeared  isolated  and 
helpless  in  the  face  of  these  combined 
forces,  had  already  appealed  to  the  na- 
tional sentiment  of  the  American  people, 
who,  in  spite  of  Venezuelan  and  Behring 
Sea  complications,  would  have  been  un- 
willing to  stand  aside  and  look  on  while 
the  British  Empire,  and  all  it  means  to 
civilisation,  was  dismembered  and  over- 
thrown, or  even  weakened  in  its  influence 
upon  the  affairs  of  the  world.  The  sen- 
timent of  the  British  people  would  not 
have,  for  a  moment,  brooked  the  interfer- 
ence of  the  combined  Continental  Powers 
to  check  the  advance  of  American  arms, 
which  were  taken  up  in  Cuba  (whatever 
the  nefarious  spirit  of  "yellow"  journal- 
ism may  have  done,  however  bungling  the 
6i 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

diplomacy  which  preceded  the  outbreak) 
—  which  were  taken  up  by  the  people  in 
a  sincere  wish  to  further  the  cause  of 
humanity. 

At  the  same  time  the  United  States 
demonstrated  to  the  world  its  great  mili- 
tary and  naval  capacity,  especially  when 
it  has  time  to  prepare,  and  when  it  has  set 
on  foot  an  adequate  military  and  naval 
organisation.  The  quantity  n^gligeable  at 
once  manifested  itself  to  the  European 
diplomat  as  far  from  negligible.  More- 
over he  began  to  see  that  "  family  quar- 
rels "  are  often  "made  up,"  especially 
when  outer  enemies  become  manifest; 
and  that  the  united  family  then  turns 
upon  the  interfering  neighbour.  And 
what  happened  then.-*  The  Czar's  mani- 
festo of  universal  disarmament  was  an- 
nounced by  the  Russian  Foreign  Office. 

Now,  I  do  not  for  a  moment  mean  to 
imply  that  the  Czar  was  not  sincere  in 
62 


and  The  World's  Peace 

his  humanitarian  enthusiasm,  and  that  he 
did  not  also  realise  the  great  economical 
and  social  problems  calling  for  all  the 
energy  the  Russian  government  could  ex- 
pend for  home  use  —  in  a  country  which 
has  greater  need  of  its  inner  resources, 
and  perhaps  is  nearer  bankruptcy  than 
the  world  at  large  realises.  But  we  must 
also  remember  that  no  government  pos- 
sesses a  Foreign  Office  which  carries  on 
its  own  tradition  and  its  long-matured 
plans  of  campaign  without  regard  to  any 
other  department  or  authority  as  does  that 
of  the  great  Autocrat.  All  must  make 
room  to  this  iron  machine,  moving  on 
relentlessly  in  spite  of  Czar  and  nation. 

Well,  is  it  again  a  mere  coincidence 
that  the  Czar  should  have  been  urged 
to  publish  his  manifesto  to  the  world 
through  the  Foreign  Office  just  at  this 
moment.?  That  moment  was  marked  by 
the  fact  that  a  new  English-speaking 
63 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

Nation  had  entered  the  lists  as  a  naval 
and  military  Power  and  had  distinctly 
shown  its  intention  of  joining  the  other 
side. 

At  the  same  time  it  was  a  curious  and 
fortunate  coincidence  that,  just  at  that 
moment,  France  had  completed  its  part 
in  furthering  Russian  interests  and  was 
becoming  inconveniently  exacting  to  see 
some  return  of  courtesy  on  its  side.  A 
proclamation  of  universal  disarmament 
must  be,  in  the  eyes  of  a  people  whose 
political  life  centred  round  the  claim 
of  Revanche,  and  the  readjustment  of  its 
boundaries  by  the  force  of  arms,  a  clear 
hint  that  the  contract  is  over,  the  alliance 
ended.  No  more  convenient  means  of 
getting  out  of  the  disagreeable  relation  to 
France  could  ever  have  presented  itself 
to  Russia.  Could  there  be  any  harm  in 
weakening  the  military  parties  in  all 
countries  possessed  of  representative  gov- 
64 


and  The  World's  Peace 

ernment  by  strengthening  the  parties 
opposing  them  and  swelling  their  num- 
bers? Might  it  not  help  the  Peace 
advocates  even  in  the  United  States  (be- 
sides the  Anti-Imperialists  in  England 
and  Germany)  and  ultimately  produce 
an  Anti-Expansionist  movement  there? 
Meanwhile  the  whole  situation  left  noth- 
ing to  be  desired.  Russia  had  staked  out 
all  its  "claims,"  all  the  districts  it  ever 
hoped  to  hold,  including  the  Hhiterlands ; 
and  all  it  need  ask  for  from  a  Supreme 
Court  of  Arbitration,  should  the  Confer- 
ence succeed,  was  a  maintenance  of  the 
Status  Quo  when  such  a  court  was  once 
formed.  And  the  interval  between  the 
Czar's  manifesto  and  the  meeting  of  the 
Peace  Conference  —  not  to  speak  of  any 
authoritative  body  that  might  issue  out  of 
its  deliberations  —  was  this  employed  by 
Russia  in  preparing  for  its  own  disarma- 
ment ?  On  the  contrary,  it  was  spent  in 
5  65 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

increasing  the  number  of  "  claims  "  and, 
in  breathless  haste,  staking  out  as  much 
as  possible. 

Now  let  me  revert  to  the  development 
of  affairs  and  of  national  feeling  in  the 
United  States.  The  inevitable  course  of 
events,  which,  for  a  time  had  raised  the 
American  people  aloft  into  the  purer 
region  of  ideas  and  ideals,  and  had, 
through  such  tortuous  channels,  finally 
led  the  stream  of  international  feeling 
flowing  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  into  the  broader  current  of 
sentiment  in  which  the  kinship  of  ideas 
and  ideals  was  uppermost  —  the  same 
course  of  events  again  forced  this  current 
back  into  the  definite  material  channel  of 
colonial  expansion.  A  new  aspect  of  this 
question  was  now  forced  upon  the  Ameri- 
can people,  new,  not  only  because,  after 
the  fortune  of  war  had  delivered  into  their 
hands  Spanish  possessions  which  could 
66 


and  The  World's  Peace 

not  simply  be  left  to  themselves,  the 
responsibility  of  their  good  government 
had  fallen  upon  the  United  States;  but 
new  in  that  the  United  States  had  now 
realised  the  broader  and  more  general 
aspect  of  the  whole  question  of  colonisa- 
tion and  expansion  in  its  international 
relation.  It  has  had  forced  upon  it  all 
the  experiences  in  the  general  develop- 
ment of  modern  international  politics 
which  I  have  just  endeavoured  to  outline 
in  part.  It  must  now  face  these  ques- 
tions with  the  full  knowledge  of  all  that 
has  been  done  in  European  politics  as  it 
affects  the  question  of  colonial  expansion; 
and  this  must  necessarily  modify  its  own 
individual  attitude  with  regard  to  any 
individual  district  or  people  with  which 
the  Spanish  War  has  forced  it  into  imme- 
diate relation.  It  is  thus  forced  to  choose 
to  which  of  the  two  systems,  standing 
directly  opposed  to  each  other,  it  is  to 
67 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

adhere,  —  whether  it  is  to  be  the  English- 
speaking  system  of  colonisation,  or  that 
of  the  Continental  European  Powers 
headed  by  Russia.  This  question  has  at 
once  come  to  a  head  in  a  most  acute  form 
in  the  case  of  the  Philippines.  And  it  is 
naturally  here  that  the  opposition  of  the 
Anti-Expansionists  in  the  United  States 
has  arisen. 

We  have  here  reached  the  really  crit- 
ical point  in  the  development  of  Anti- 
Expansionism.  Many  who  oppose  the 
policy  of  the  present  government  might 
say:  "We  agree  in  principle  with  your 
ideals  of  Expansion  as  you  have  just  put 
them ;  but  we  do  not  approve  of  the  means 
you  apply  for  their  realisation  as  seen  in 
our  treatment  of  the  Filipinos."  And 
having  said  this,  by  imperceptible  phases 
of  fallacious  reasoning,  they  will  gradu- 
ally move  round  the  circle  until  they 
will  end,  as  the  German  phrase  goes,  "  by 
68 


and  The  World's  Peace 

pouring  the  child  out  with  the  bath 
water,"  i.e.,  by  violently  opposing  the 
whole  policy  of  Expansion,  because  they 
disapprove  of  the  government's  action  in 
the  Philippines.  Still  more  powerful  and 
misleading  are  the  arguments  of  those 
who  oppose  Expansion  on  the  ground  that 
it  contradicts  the  fundamental  traditions 
and  the  fundamental  ideals  of  the  Ameri- 
can people.  "You  must  not,"  they  say, 
"buy  the  blessings  you  enumerate  at  the 
cost  of  war;  you  must  not  even  benefit 
people  against  their  will;  you  must  not 
impose  your  rule  upon  others  at  the  sacri- 
fice of  the  very  idea  you  wish  to  expand, 
namely,  that  of  self-government." 

Now  I  will  not,  though  this  would  be 
the  most  effective  way  of  showing  the 
groundlessness  of  their  arguments,  call 
upon  them  to  state  clearly  and  definitely, 
with  the  possibility  of  its  early  practical 
application,  the  line  of  conduct  which 
69 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

they  would  have  the  government  follow 
in  each  individual  case  presenting  such 
complicated  difficulties  in  view  of  the  far- 
reaching  intricacy  of  the  problems  before 
us.  Were  it  possible  thus  to  compare 
the  two  rival  schemes  of  administration,  I 
believe  the  intelligent  public  would  soon 
recognise  the  amateurishness  of  the  criti- 
cism offered  at  this  stage. 

But  I  deny  their  right  of  appeal  to 
American  tradition  and  American  ideals. 
Among  the  great  deeds  of  the  past  which 
come  nearest  to  embodying  American 
ideals,  two  stand  forth  most  clearly  in  the 
world's  history.  These  justify  the  high 
place  which  the  United  States  can  ever 
claim  in  fashioning  the  world's  destiny 
for  good,  —  the  one  is  the  War  of  Inde- 
pendence, the  other  is  the  Abolition 
of  Slavery.  Yet  both  these  ideas  were 
realised  by  means  of  war,  —  moreover, 
fratricidal  war,  carried  on  with  all  the 
70 


and  The  World's  Peace 

rigour  and  harshness  of  warfare.  And  in 
both  cases  we  were  using  force  to  confer 
upon  the  people  at  large  ultimate  bless- 
ings, which,  at  the  time,  a  large  number 
of  them  were  unwilling  to  recognise  as 
such,  —  the  Tories  in  the  War  of  Indepen- 
dence, and  the  Secessionists  in  the  Civil 
War.  And  the  initiators  of  these  great 
deeds  were  certainly  wiconstitiitioiial  in 
the  Revolutionary  War,  and  possibly  so 
in  the  Civil  War.  At  the  present  mo- 
ment, moreover,  the  United  States  is  at 
war  with  the  Filipino  insurgents;  it  is 
an  accomplished  fact ;  and  it  is  disloyal 
for  any  American  citizen  to  counteract 
the  success  of  American  arms,  materially 
or  morally,  while  the  recognised  govern- 
ment of  the  country  has  raised  them 
against  an  enemy  at  war.  Should  the 
spirit  of  humanity  which  actuates  these 
protesters  detect  methods  of  warfare  ap- 
plied by  his  own  country  which  are 
71 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

opposed  to  the  essential  spirit  of  civilisa- 
tion and  humanity,  to  the  national  con- 
science of  this  country,  he  is  justified  in 
his  protest  —  but  in  no  other  case. 

Still  more  misleading  is  the  appeal 
which  the  Anti-Expansionist  makes  to  the 
fundamental  principle  of  the  American 
Constitution,  the  principle  of  self-govern- 
ment. There  has  been  more  nefarious 
abuse  of  this  term,  and  what  it  is  sup- 
posed to  imply,  than  of  any  other  I  can 
recall.  The  glorious  proclamation  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence—  "  All  men 
are  created  equal "  —  does  not  mean, 
that  we  give  the  right  to  govern  to  each 
individual  at  his  birth  or  for  some  years 
after  this  important  event  in  his  personal 
history.  On  the  contrary,  we  take  great 
care  to  defer  the  period  in  which  he  is 
to  exercise  his  function  of  contributing 
to  the  government  of  the  country  to  an 
advanced  period  in  his  life,  when  we 
72 


and  The  World's  Peace 

have  reason  to  believe  that  he  will  exer- 
cise this  function,  not,  at  least,  to  the 
detriment  of  his  neighbours.  Nor  do  we 
admit  the  insane  or  the  criminal  to  these 
privileges  of  self-government.  It  is  im- 
portant for  us  to  realise  that,  in  princi- 
ple as  well  as  in  practice,  the  United 
States  has  always  maintained  essential 
limitations  to  the  general  principle  of 
personal  liberty  and  of  self-government. 
And  it  is  important  always  to  remember 
that  "self-government"  really  implies  the 
governing  of  our  neighbour.  One  of  the 
chief  tasks  of  our  law-making  bodies  is 
constantly  to  define,  to  restrict  as  well  as 
to  safe-guard,  the  rights  of  the  individual, 
his  personal  liberty  and  his  function  of 
self-government.  Now,  what  applies  to 
the  individual  applies  a  fortiori  to  larger 
recognisable  bodies  of  individuals  in  the 
form  of  communal  bodies  and  states. 
And  as  little  as  we  remain  content  with 
73 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

the  past  definitions  of  personal  liberty  in 
common  and  criminal  law,  so  little  are  we 
justified  in  expecting  to  remain  stationary 
in  our  dependence  upon  the  past  in  con- 
stitutional law. 

It  is  the  natural  and  justifiable  tendency 
for  the  legal  mind  to  be,  not  only  gen- 
erally conservative  and  to  worship  that 
which  is,  but  even  to  regard  the  dead 
word  rather  than  the  living  spirit,  the 
anatomy  rather  than  the  physiology  of 
human  existence.  I  have  before  me  a 
very  able  essay  dealing  with  the  present 
Philippine  situation  from  the  point  of 
view  of  constitutional  history  and  law,  by 
one  who  is  manifestly  a  master  in  these 
departments  of  juridical  science.^  Pro- 
fessor Freund  analyses  the  protectorates 
of  the  past,  from  those  of  the  ancient 
Romans,  through  the  Ionian  Islands,  the 

'  "  The  Control  of  Dependencies  through  Protec- 
torates," by  Ernst  Freund,  Boston,  1899. 

74 


and  The  World's  Peace 

States  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  Egypt, 
Tunis,  IMadagascar,  Anam,  Tonquin,  the 
native  States  of  the  Dutch  Indies,  the 
native  States  of  British  India,  and 
the  Samoan  Islands.  He  then  points  out 
forcibly  the  difficulties  of  fitting  a  new 
colonial  system  into  the  legal  conditions 
of  the  present  American  Constitution. 
But  important  and  useful  as  the  exposi- 
tion of  such  difficult  tasks  is,  the  ques- 
tion must  be  asked :  "  Whoever  expected, 
or  had  the  right  to  expect,  that  these  new 
tasks  would  not  be  fraught  with  difficul- 
ties.^" Have  we  a  right  to  expect  that 
we  shall  be  able  at  once  to  find  the  proper 
constitutional  status  for  new  bodies  called 
into  the  world  by  such  new  conditions  of 
national  life,  and  that  supremely  mark 
the  vitality  of  our  national  existence.? 
That  we  shall  do  this  in  one  day,  without 
having  to  retract  and  to  modify  in  the 
future,  sitting  peacefully  in  our  secluded 
75 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

studies  surrounded  by  our  reference  books 
on  constitutional  law  and  history,  —  one 
system,  perfect  and  complete  in  itself, 
which  shall  suit  all  cases?  And  can  we 
ask  for  this  in  face  of  the  fact  that  the 
British  Colonial  Department,  after  many 
generations  of  colonial  expansion  and  ex- 
perience in  the  government  of  dependen- 
cies, has  to  deal  with  the  list  of  colonies 
presenting,  as  regards  the  nature  of  their 
government,  a  variety  at  once  confusing, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  creditable  to  the 
good  sense  of  the  British  people  and  the 
colonial  administrators?^ — "At  the  head 
of  it  come  the  great  self-governing  States 
like  Canada,  Victoria,  New  South  Wales, 
South  Australia,  the  Cape,  Natal,  New 
Zealand,  and  others,  all  colonies  in  the 
true  sense  of  the  word,  off-shoots  of  Eng- 
land in  temperate  regions  of  the  world, 
many  of   them    engaged    in  the  practical 

1  Kidd,  o.  c.  pp.  33,  34. 

76 


and  The  World's  Peace 

solution  of  some  of  the  most  advanced 
political  and  social  problems  which  occupy 
the  attention  of  the  modern  world.  If  we 
look  further  down  the  list,  we  have  a 
strange  medley.  Vast  territories  in  trop- 
ical lands,  acquired  at  various  dates  in 
the  course  of  war  and  trade ;  countries 
inhabited  by  different  races  and  governed 
under  a  variety  of  constitutions;  regions 
representing  every  type  of  administrative 
problem  —  questions  of  war,  of  defence, 
of  finance,  which  raise  the  whole  modern 
policy  of  the  Empire,  questions  of  respon- 
sibility to  weaker  races,  of  the  relations 
of  the  governing  power  to  great  systems 
of  native  jurisprudence  and  religion, 
which  take  us  back  to  the  very  childhood 
of  the  world,  and  in  which  the  first  prin- 
ciple of  successful  policy  is  that  we  are 
dealing,  as  it  were,  with  children,  are  all 
grouped  together  as  'colonies,*  in  com- 
mon with  those  modern  self-governing 
77 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

States,   the  reproductions  of   England  in 
temperate  regions." 

Whether  the  Philippine  Islands  are  now 
to  be  called  colonies,  dependencies,  pro- 
tectorates, possessions,  or  suzerain  States, 
is  immaterial.  The  future,  as  well  as 
the  moral  and  political  conscience  of  the 
United  States  (and  it  is  here  that  the 
noble  section  of  the  Anti-Expansionists 
will,  in  tJic  future,  be  called  upon  to  man- 
ifest their  ideals),  will  decide  this  ques- 
tion. But  at  this  juncture  there  are  two 
points  that  stand  out  clearly  and  that 
must  determine  the  present  policy  of 
the  government ;  and  due  regard  for  these 
is  to  be  had  in  the  interest  of  the 
Philippine  people  themselves,  as  well  as 
for  the  preservation  of  peaceful  relations 
of  the  United  States  to  other  powers, 
and,  consequently,  in  the  interest  of  the 
world's  peace.  The  first  is,  that  the 
American  possession  of  these  territories 
78 


and  The  World's  Peace 

be  complete,  and  its  rule  unquestioned  in 
the  eyes  of  the  inhabitants,  as  well  as  of 
the  outer  world;  the  second  is,  that  no 
rash  promises  be  made  as  to  what  will  be 
done  in  the  future. 

Once  granted  the  right,  and  the  duty, 
of  the  United  States  to  expand  its 
influence  into  regions  not  yet  possessed 
of  Western  civilisation,  the  first  steps  in 
carrying  out  this  policy  are  so  intricate 
and  complicated,  and  demand  so  much 
intimate  knowledge,  wide  as  well  as  thor- 
ough, of  facts  that  are  essentially  techni- 
cal, that  the  general  public  is  most  likely 
to  err  at  every  stage  when  attempting  to 
deal  with  them,  and  must  leave  them  to 
the  responsible  heads  of  government 
which  it  has  chosen  to  solve  these  techni- 
cal problems.  Yet  we  can  all  of  us 
realise  how  disastrous  would  have  been 
the  effect  of  granting  absolute  "self-gov- 
ernment "  to  the  population  of  the  Philip- 
79 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

pine  Islands  the  moment  they  were  freed 
from  the  Spanish  yoke,  in  view,  not  only, 
of  the  complicated  internal  conditions  of 
that  country,  but  also  of  our  experience 
by  analogy  in  countries  on  the  same 
(some  of  them  on  a  much  higher)  level 
of  political  education.  And  the  re- 
cent history,  while  our  occupation  was 
effected,  and  the  present  troubles  in 
Samoa,  force  us  to  appreciate  to  what 
international  complications  a  title  of 
possession  that  is  not  clear  may  lead.  It 
is  important  to  remember  the  advice  ^ 
given  by  a  German  authority.  Baron- von 
Luttwitz,  to  Germany,  "that  the  prevail- 
ing conditions  in  China  and  the  unstable 
condition  in  many  South  American  States 
offered  opportunities  for  German  expan- 
sion in  these  regions. "  But  the  danger 
of  a  hesitating  occupation  of  such  coun- 
tries is  far   from  being  restricted  to  the 

^  Quoted  by  Kidd,  o.  c.  p.  47. 
80 


and  The  World's  Peace 

attitude  of  Germany;  it  will  apply,  at 
least  potentially,  to  any  other  State.  In 
view  of  future  danger  from  within  and 
without,  it  is  not  only  wise,  but  also 
charitable,  to  make  the  first  stages  of 
occupation  as  clear  and  unequivocal 
as  possible.  Let  us  remember  what 
would  necessarily  be  the  waste  of  blood 
and  treasure  if,  in  the  future,  the 
United  States  was  forced  constantly  to 
intervene  between  the  belligerent  fac- 
tions within  such  a  country,  or  to  make 
real  the  claims  of  its  own  inhabitants, 
who,  by  the  action  of  the  Philippine 
Legislature,  were  hampered  and  repressed 
by  laws  dealing  with  them  as  Uitlanders. 
The  same  applies  to  any  promises  which 
any  government  might  make  for  its  future 
action  with  regard  to  occupation  or  the 
degree  of  self-government  to  be  granted 
in  the  future.  England's  experience  in 
Egypt  ought  to  teach  a  great  lesson. 
6  8i 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

Such  promises  on  the  part  of  a  statesman 
are  either  insincere  or  foolish.  For  the 
true  statesman  must  know  that  the  force 
of  circumstance  and  the  altered  condi- 
tions demand  new  treatment,  perhaps  new 
concessions;  and  that  it  is  always  easier 
to  grant  more  liberties  than  to  retrench 
existing  ones. 

When  once  the  union  of  these  countries 
with  the  United  States  is  made  clear  to 
their  inhabitants  and  the  outer  world 
sees  that  they  are  beyond  all  doubt  an 
integral  part  of  the  United  States,  then 
will  be  the  time  for  those  actuated  by  the 
high  ideals  of  the  noble  section  of  Anti- 
Expansionists  to  raise  their  voice  and  to 
maintain  constantly  an  attitude  of  watch- 
fulness and  criticism,  to  give  an  upward 
direction  to  the  administration  of  these 
countries.  Yet  even  here  it  will  be  wise 
for  them  to  learn  from  the  experience  of 
those  who,  for  generations  past,  have  been 
82 


and  The  World's  Peace 

struggling  with  the  solution  of  similar 
problems.  I  would  recommend  all  inter- 
ested in  this  subject  to  read  what  Mr.  Kidd 
says  in  commenting  on  the  institution  of 
the  English  Indian  Civil  Service,^  and 
will  select  a  few  passages  here,  which  the 
present  Anti-Expansionist  might  bear  in 
mind  for  his  future  efforts.  Speaking  of 
the  responsibility  of  those  who  "  colonise  " 
distant  countries,  he  says:^  "If  he  has 
any  right  there  at  all,  he  is  there  in  the 
name  of  civilisation;  if  our  civilisation 
has  any  right  there  at  all,  it  is  because  it 
represents  higher  ideals  of  humanity,  a 
higher  type  of  social  order.  This  is  the 
lesson  which,  slowly  and  painfully,  and 
with  many  a  temporary  reversion  to  older 
ideas,  the  British  peoples  have  been 
learning  in  India  for  the  last  fifty  years, 
and  which  has  recently  been  applied  in 
other  circumstances  to  the  government  of 
1  Pp.  53-60.  2  p.  54. 

83 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

Egypt.  Under  a  multitude  of  outward 
aspects,  the  one  principle  which  sepa- 
rates the  new  era  from  the  old  in  India,  a 
principle  the  influence  of  which  has  come 
to  extend  even  to  the  habits  and  dress  of 
the  governing  class,  is  the  recognition  of 
the  fact  that  the  standards  according  to 
which  India  must  be  governed  have  been 
developed  and  are  nourished  elsewhere. 
The  one  consistent  idea  which,  through 
all  outward  forms,  has  in  late  years  been 
behind  the  institution  of  the  higher 
Indian  Civil  Service  on  existing  lines  is 
that,  even  where  it  is  equally  open  to 
natives  with  Europeans  through  competi- 
tive examination,  entrance  to  it  shall  be 
made  through  an  English  University.  In 
other  words,  it  is  the  best  and  most  dis- 
tinctive product  which  England  can  give, 
the  higher  ideals  and  standards  of  her 
Universities,  which  is  made  to  feed  the 
inner  life  from  which  the  British  adminis- 
84 


and  The  World's  Peace 

tration  of  India  proceeds. "  And  further :  ^ 
"But  in  this,  as  in  all  other  matters,  the 
one  underlying  principle  of  success  in 
any  future  relationship  to  the  tropics  is 
to  keep  those  who  administer  the  gov- 
ernment which  represents  our  civilisation 
in  direct  and  intimate  contact  with  the 
standards  of  that  civilisation  at  its  best; 
and  to  keep  the  acts  of  the  government 
itself  within  the  closest  range  of  that 
influence,  often  irksome,  sometimes  even 
misleading,  but  always  absolutely  vital, 
—  the  continual  scrutiny  of  the  public 
mind  at  home."  Andfinally:^  "Apolicy 
in  such  relations  is  a  matter  beyond  the 
control  even  of  governments;  it  is  ulti- 
mately regulated  only  by  the  development 
of  a  people,  by  standards  which  are  the 
slow  growth  of  time.  If  the  English- 
speaking  peoples  do  not  mean  to  shirk 
the  grave  responsibility  which  lies  upon 

1  P.  57-  -  P-  59- 

85 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

them  in  this  matter,  they  must  act  at  once, 
with  clear  purpose  and  with  courage. 
Neither  the  purpose  nor  the  courage 
should  be  wanting  to  those  who  possess 
a  conviction  of  the  far-reaching  impor- 
tance in  the  future  of  the  ideas  and  prin- 
ciples for  which  these  peoples  now  stand 
in  the  world. " 

It  is  at  this  very  point  that  the  third 
group  of  Anti-Expansionists  come  in, 
those  whose  ground  of  opposition  has  all 
the  strength  of  modesty  in  its  favour. 
"Great  Britain,"  they  say,  "may  be  pre- 
pared to  rule  distant  colonies,  for  that 
people  have  set  their  house  in  order  at 
home,  which  we  have  not  yet  done.  They 
have  a  well-organised  Civil  Service,  with 
a  firmly  rooted  tradition  of  integrity  and 
honour  inherent  in  the  very  offices  them- 
selves, and  thus  they  have  been  able  to 
devise  an  admirable  Indian  Civil  Service 
which  we,  at  least  for  the  present,  cannot 
86 


and  The  World's  Peace 

aspire  to.  We  must  learn  to  govern  our- 
selves honestly  and  effectually  at  home 
before  we  think  of  extending  our  govern- 
ment in  distant  lands.  For,  at  present, 
the  addition  of  a  long  list  of  offices  in 
distant  parts,  removed  from  the  watchful, 
critical  eye  of  those  at  home  who  are 
earnestly  exerting  themselves  to  counter- 
act corruption  here,  will  only  add  to  the 
wealth  of  'spoils'  which  the  unscrupulous 
party  politician  already  possesses  as  a 
means  of  corrupting  the  whole  nation." 
May  not  this  Anti-Expansionist  be  put- 
ting the  cart  before  the  horse.-'  The 
"spoils"  system  existed  in  England  not 
so  very  many  years  ago  in  its  most  cyni- 
cal form,  and  British  party  politics  were 
as  corrupt  as  they  could  well  be.  I  main- 
tain that  the  gratifying  reforms  which 
have  been  introduced  during  the  last  two 
generations  were  in  great  part  due  to  the 
reactive  influence  of  colonial  administra- 
87 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

tion  upon  the  Home  government,  until 
they  gradually  formed  new  national  tra- 
ditions. Corruption,  when  circumscribed 
and  local,  may  shock  with  great  intensity 
the  inhabitants  dwelling  within  the  imme- 
diate limits  where  it  is  active,  and  may 
lead  to  intense  protests  and  indignation. 
There  may  be,  as  in  the  case  of  Tammany 
frauds,  periodical  risings  of  those  repre- 
senting the  purer  and  higher  public  opin- 
ion. But  it  is  far  from  being  a  paradox 
to  say,  that  such  inquiries  into  local  cor- 
ruption tend  ultimately  to  debase  rather 
than  to  elevate  the  public  conscience. 
For  radical  and  lasting  reforms  have  not 
yet  been  introduced,  and  the  inability  to 
extirpate  such  vicious  growths,  root  and 
branch,  is  to  be  sought  in  the  more  re- 
mote, yet  fundamental,  spirit  of  national 
political  life.  And  when  a  community 
has  ultimately  to  acquiesce  in  the  reten- 
tion of  even  a  portion  of  the  corrupting 


and  The  World's  Peace 

forces,  the  community,  as  such,  becomes 
party  to  the  corruption  itself.  Public 
spirit  is  thus  ultimately  robbed  of  the 
keen  edge  of  its  conscience,  its  moral 
substance  becomes  blunted,  and  lower 
traditions  become  fixed  and  firmly  estab- 
lished. The  newspapers  all  over  the 
country  may  find  abundant  "  copy  "  in  the 
inquiry  into  local  frauds  of  one  city  or 
district,  and  the  sensationalism  inherent 
in  the  trials  may  stimulate  the  curiosity 
of  the  readers  all  over  the  Union;  but 
this  form  of  reading  matter  soon  makes 
room  for  the  newest  sensation,  and  the 
trouble  really  only  concerns  a  definite 
locality  or  department. 

It  will  not  be  so  with  the  maladminis- 
tration of  a  protectorate  or  colony;  this  is 
not  a  purely  local  or  departmental  affair. 
Nay,  the  watchful  criticism  will  not  be 
confined  to  the  nation  itself;  but  the 
whole  world,  all  other  nations,  those 
89 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

inimical  and  covetous  as  well  as  those 
friendly  and  sympathetic,  will  be  ever 
present  to  reveal  hidden  corruption  and 
to  call  for  justice  and  redress  for  the 
colonists  protected  or  ruled.  I  venture 
boldly  to  predict  that  in  the  future  the 
department  which  will  lead  the  way,  as 
regards  efficiency  and  integrity,  in  the 
whole  United  States  government,  will  be 
the  "Colonial"  department/ 

Moreover,  the  creation  of  such  new 
offices  will,  directly  and  indirectly,  accel- 
erate Civil  Service  Reform  in  the  United 
States.  For,  on  the  one  hand,  it  will 
demand,  on  the  part  of  officials,  qualifica- 
tions of  a  technical  and  un-local  character 
which  will  necessarily  raise  the  standards 

1  Since  this  was  in  tyjie  I  have  had  the  privilege  of 
making  the  acquaintance  of  General  Wood,  and  have 
heard  from  him  what  he  has  done  at  Santiago  and 
intends  to  do  in  the  future.  I  can  only  say  that  if  the 
United  States  can  produce  more  men  of  this  stamp, 
there  will  be  no  fear  for  the  "  colonies,"  nor  for  the  good 
fame  of  the  home  government. 
90 


and  The  World's  Peace 

for  the  applicants  to  such  offices.  And, 
pn  the  other  hand,  in  itself,  in  its  imme- 
diate bearing  upon  the  Department  of 
State,  and,  ultimately,  upon  the  whole 
administrative  machinery  of  government, 
it  will,  from  the  nature  of  the  issues 
raised,  call  upon  the  educated  intelli- 
gence of  politicians  and  those  aspiring 
to  political  honours,  and  thus  will  make 
it  practically  impossible  for  the  ignorant 
"ward-politician"  to  face  the  public  at 
all  without  making  himself  manifestly 
ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of  the  whole  public. 
A  timely  appeal  to  the  immediate  inter- 
ests of  any  class  of  audience  which  such 
a  politician  may  be  addressing,  in  con- 
nection with  even  the  widest  economical 
or  fiscal  issue  in  national  politics,  may 
always  help  him  to  hide  his  fundamental 
ignorance  and  unscrupulousness.  This 
convenient  loop-hole  is  not  so  likely  to 
present  itself  when  American  politics 
91 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

have  developed  out  of  the  infantile  stage 
of  national  provincialism. 

Here  we  come  to  the  more  indirect, 
though  none  the  less  important,  influence 
which  expansion  will  have  upon  the  polit- 
ical and  social  education  of  the  nation  as 
a  whole;  it  will  enforce  a  wider  view  of 
politics  upon  the  whole  people.  It  has 
often  been  pointed  out  that  one  positive 
reason  for  the  wide-spread  political  cor- 
ruption among  the  American  people,  pos- 
sessed as  a  nation  of  comparatively  so 
high  a  standard  of  social  and  commercial 
morality,  is  to  be  found  in  the  great  and 
growing  prosperity  of  the  country  itself 
and  the  all-absorbing  attraction  of  its 
active  life  outside  of  politics.  The  su- 
preme abundance  of  opportunity,  the 
alluring  and  clamorous  appeals  to  the  ad- 
vance of  individual  prosperity  are  within 
the  reach  of  all  its  freeborn  citizens;  and 
thus  no  time  and  energy  remain  for  direct 
92 


and  The  World's  Peace 

participation  in  public  affairs  to  those 
best  fitted  to  struggle  in  life's  battle. 
This  very  wealth  and  prosperity  within 
the  country,  which  thus  absorb  the  best 
men  and  draw  their  moral  and  intellectual 
power  away  from  politics,  make  the  re- 
sults of  political  maladministration,  which 
would  be  keenly  and  painfully  felt  in  an 
older  and  poorer  country,  less  sensible  to 
the  actual  life  of  the  American  people. 
But  if  these  be  truly  the  positive  reasons, 
the  negative  cause,  it  appears  to  me,  lies 
in  the  absence  of  wider  political  issues 
which  break  through  the  narrow  bounds 
of  local  interests  and  produce  more 
attractive  as  well  as  elevating  political 
ideals. 

With  all  its  disasters  and  incidental 
inhumanities,  the  Civil  War  aroused  and 
satisfied  the  higher  cravings  for  wider 
political  ideals  on  the  part  of  the  nation. 
The  period  succeeding  this,  down  to  our 
93 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

own  days,  has  been  one  of  unprecedented 
economical  development  and  prosperity. 
But  the  moral  and  ideal  side  of  national 
life  has  been  starved,  and  these  national 
faculties  are  gradually  approaching  a 
stage  which  pathologists  designate  by  the 
term  atrophy.  All  questions  have  pre- 
eminently had  a  topical,  and,  hence,  a 
personal  character.  Even  the  great  ques- 
tions of  general  economical  and  fiscal 
policy,  far-reaching  in  their  effect  upon 
the  world  though  they  be,  —  the  questions 
of  protection  or  free-trade,  of  gold  or 
silver  currency,  —  can  always,  and  will 
always,  be  reduced  to  the  personal,  "  back- 
yard "  view. 

All  this  has  favoured  a  national  tone 
of  cynical  self-sufficiency  which  leads 
the  American  not  so  much  to  feel  pride 
in  his  glorious  freedom  and  independence, 
as  to  assume  an  almost  negative  atti- 
tude of  mind  towards  the  rest  of  the 
94 


and  The  World's  Peace 

world,  and  to  cultivate  a  growing  emas- 
culating habit  of  self-admiration.  Now, 
there  is  death  from  congestion  and  hyper- 
asmia,  following  the  inner  concentration 
of  vital  forces,  as  well  as  from  attenua- 
tion and  anosmia,  following  the  diffusion 
and  dispersion  of  such  vitality.  Whatever 
may  be  said  against  the  motives  and 
methods  of  "yellow"  journalism  and 
those  whose  opinions  it  represented,  the 
spirit  which  moved  those  who  called  the 
Americans  to  arms  to  better  the  conditions 
of  the  oppressed  Cubans  gave  a  new  lease 
of  life  to  the  national  morality  of  the 
American  people. 

I  verily  believe  that  if  the  American 
could  have  seen  himself  before,  as  in  a 
mirror,  and  realised  what  sort  of  a  political 
physiognomy  he  had  in  the  international 
world,  he  would  have  been  astonished. 
While  meeting  Americans  in  Europe  T 
have  often  heard  the  nai'vc  complaint,  with 
95 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

the  suggestion  of  wounded  vanity  under- 
neath, that  the  European  newspapers  did 
not  contain  more  news  from  the  United 
States.  Beyond  despatches  concerning 
presidential  elections  and  wider  ques- 
tions bearing  upon  federal  policy,  with 
commercial  and  financial  news,  there  was 
very  little.  But  such  a  complainant  did 
not  stop  to  ask  himself,  whether,  in  the 
news  he  craved  for,  there  were  any  events 
or  facts  that  concerned  or  affected,  even 
the  whole  people  of  the  United  States, 
not  to  mention  the  other  nations  of  the 
civilised  world .''  The  complaint,  and  the 
ideas  which  caused  it  to  be  made,  ema- 
nated from  what,  after  all,  we  should  in 
sober  judgment  call  provincialism,  which 
always  implies  an  absence  of  the  sense  of 
proportion.  On  the  other  hand,  it  appears 
to  me  that  the  newspapers  of  the  United 
States  have,  in  spite  of  growing  facil- 
ity in  the  means  of  rapid  communication, 
96 


and  The  World's  Peace 

reduced  the  proportion  of  impersonal 
news  (they  have  unfortunately  used  the 
facility  for  communication  to  increase 
the  publication  of  matters  of  a  personal 
nature)  —  news  bearing  upon  the  inter- 
national life  of  the  civilised  world.  I 
am  not  referring  to  foreign  events  which 
have  attained  a  sensational  stage,  such  as 
actual  war;  but  to  facts  which,  though 
less  satisfying  to  grosser  curiosity,  have 
the  most  important  bearings  upon  the 
world's  civilisation,  —  events,  for  instance, 
in  a  small  state  like  Bulgaria  or  Rou- 
mania,  or  in  a  distant  "colony"  in  Aus- 
tralasia —  an  enormous  and  important 
empire  of  the  future  with  most  vital  bear- 
ing upon  the  civilised  life  of  the  world. 
I  am  often  astonished  to  observe  how  even 
the  most  educated,  not  to  mention  the 
people  at  large,  are  ignorant  of  the  most 
rudimentary  notions  in  these  affairs. 

A  perusal  of  the  leading  English  news- 
7  97 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

papers,  on  the  other  hand,  and  a  consid- 
eration of  the  choice  they  make  of  the 
abundant  news  from  all  over  the  world,  a 
choice  not  affected  by  the  sensationalism 
of  events,  but  by  the  well-considered  bear- 
ing of  events  upon  the  wider  issues  of  the 
world's  politics,  illustrate  the  political 
education  of  the  people  whom  in  turn  they 
tend  to  educate.  Besides  the  "news," 
they  frequently  contain  exhaustive  and 
well-matured  accounts  of  different  coun- 
tries, each  filling  several  columns  and 
dealing  with  the  social,  political,  and  com- 
mercial life  and  prospects  of  these  distant 
communities.  These  are  generally  writ- 
ten by  special  correspondents  sent  out  for 
the  purpose  and  well-qualified  for  the  task, 
or  by  scholarly  and  experienced  travellers, 
such  as  the  present  Viceroy  of  India, 
whose  studies  we  may  often  find  the  more 
profitable  from  the  fact  that  they  are  not 
written  by  professional  journalists. 


and  The  World's  Peace 

The  English  people  as  a  whole  thus 
command  a  wider  horizon  for  their  poli- 
tical interest  and  judgment.  And  this 
training  has  come  to  them  chiefly  be- 
cause they  have  expanded  in  the  past 
into  an  empire  with  distant  and  diversi- 
fied interests  and  duties.  Nay,  even  the 
distant  investment  of  capital  and  infusion 
and  diffusion  of  commerce,  though  they 
arise  in  every  individual  case  out  of 
purely  selfish  and  personal  motives  of 
gain,  have  this  ultimate  good  for  the 
nation  and  for  the  world  at  large  (and 
this  to  many  of  us  is  their  only  justifica- 
tion from  a  national  and  universal  point 
of  view) — that  they  increase  the  knowl- 
edge of  distant  countries,  the  interest  in 
them  and  the  realisation  of  duties  toward 
them.  They  ultimately  make  clear  to  the 
nation  standing  in  such  relation  to  the 
distant  colony  that  they  hold  this  rela- 
tion as  a  "Trust  for  Civilisation." 
99 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

In  the  United  States  the  first  effect  of 
such  a  widened  sphere  of  political  activ- 
ity and  responsibility  will  be  that  it  will 
strike  the  death-knell  to  the  rule  of  the 
"ward-politician,"  which  has  hitherto 
been  the  corner-stone  and  the  key-stone 
to  the  whole  of  national  American  poli- 
tics. If  the  timid  fear  that  the  United 
States  is  at  present  not  prepared  for  such 
high  tasks  and  grave  responsibilities,  the 
answer  is:  that  it  never  will  become  so  if 
it  remains  under  the  bane  of  "back -yard  " 
politics.  The  life  of  nations  and  the 
life  of  individuals  have  shown  that  those 
who  are  possessed  of  real  vitality  and 
strength  are  always  elevated  by  the  lofti- 
ness of  the  aims  which  they  hold  before 
them,  and  that  they  ultimately  live  up  to 
the  high  standards  which  an  idealism  not 
divorced  from  reason  sets  before  them. 
And  so  long  as  the  Expansionists  in  the 
United  States  remain  conscious  of  these 


and  The  World's  Peace 

ideals  and  never  lose  sight  of  the  ulti- 
mate duties  which  they  have  towards  their 
new  dependencies,  holding  them  as  trusts 
for  civilisation,  the  effects  upon  the 
American  nation,  and,  through  it,  upon 
the  world  at  large,  can  only  result  in 
blessing. 

When  the  question  of  Expansion  is 
viewed  in  this  light  it  must  be  realised 
that  the  claims,  implied  in  the  criticism 
of  the  best  Anti-Expansionists,  namely, 
that  they  are  moved  by  American  Ideals 
which  others  have  forsaken,  are  absolutely 
groundless.  And  if  it  be  thought,  by 
some  who  pride  themselves  upon  possess- 
ing a  sober  and  practical  mind,  that  these 
Expansionist  ideals  are  rather  vague  and 
remote  as  forces  which  directly  move 
the  interested  action  of  a  nation,  and 
have  no  power  to  check  its  aggressive 
action  when  passionate  interest  strongly 

lOI 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

urges  it  on  in  the  wrong  direction;  if 
they  doubt  whether  these  ideals  are  suffi- 
ciently proximate  and  tangible  to  enter 
into  the  conscious  life  of  the  individual 
and  to  affect  his  actions,  I  will  sin  against 
the  dictates  of  good  taste  and  will  make 
a  personal  confession,  confident  as  I  am 
that  there  are  thousands  who  feel  as  I  do. 
So  far  from  being  remote  and  ineffect- 
ual, I  solemnly  declare  that  these  ideals 
with  regard  to  the  aims  of  Western  civili- 
sation form  the  foundation  of  my  con- 
scious existence  even  in  the  most  practical 
aspects  of  my  life.  That,  if  I  were  not 
aware  of  their  existence  at  the  base  of 
my  consciousness,  I  could  not  pursue  the 
vocation  of  life  to  which  I  have  hitherto 
devoted  myself,  and  by  means  of  which  I 
gain  my  subsistence.  If  I  did  not  believe 
that  ultimately  all  individual  efforts  cul- 
minate in  the  increase  and  strengthening, 
as  well  as  in  the  diffusion,  of   Western 

I02 


and  The  World's  Peace 

civilisation  and  its  highest  and  most  sub- 
tle attainments,  the  best  that  man's  intel- 
ligent efforts  has  yet  devised,  —  I  should 
wish  to  spend  my  life  in  lotus-eating, 
if  not  to  seek  peace  in  Nirvahna. 

As  I  have  arrived  at  this  lofty  sphere 
of  aspiration,  I  will  draw  one  last  conclu- 
sion in  the  direction  of  ideals  from  the 
policy  of  Expansion  as  it  ought  to  be  fol- 
lowed by  the  United  States;  and  I  do 
this  at  the  risk  of  being  considered  a 
"mere  dreamer."  But  there  are  different 
kinds  of  dreamers;  there  are  rational 
and  irrational  dreamers.  Those  who 
have  succeeded  in  attaining  the  highest 
achievements  in  the  world's  history  might 
all  be  called,  and  generally  were  called, 
dreamers.  No  man  —  and  for  that  mat- 
ter no  nation  —  can  do  great  things  un- 
less his  imagination  can  produce,  and 
hold  up  both  before  the  intense  discrimi- 
nating power  of  his  intellect,  and  be- 
103 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

fore  the  untiring  and  unflinching  energy 
of  his  will,  some  great  ultimate  goal  to 
lofty  endeavour.  In  so  far  all  great  men 
are  idealists.  But  the  difference  between 
these  idealists  and  the  mere  dreamers  is 
that  the  latter  spend  their  lives  in  the  con- 
templation of  their  ideals,  whereas  to  the 
former  the  ideals  illuminate  their  lives. 
The  dreamer  gazes  upon  the  brilliant  sun 
until  his  vision  is  dimmed,  and  his 
whole  brain  lapses  into  an  hypnotic  state. 
The  world  outside  the  immediate  radius 
of  this  brilliant  sun  is  one  great  dark- 
ness, and  he  expends  the  weakened  energy 
which  is  left  to  his  somnolent  nature  in 
railing  at  this  darkness  and  despising  it. 
He  is  even  unable  to  detect  the  lighter 
shades  and  half-tones,  the  infinite  grada- 
tions which  lie  between  the  brilliancy  of 
his  distant  sun  and  the  darkness  below 
and  behind  his  feet.  The  idealist,  on  the 
other  hand,  having  raised  high  aloft  on 
104 


and  The  World's  Peace 

the  pinnacles  of  existence  his  brilliant 
beacon-light,  does  not  spend  his  time  in 
gazing  immediately  at  it ;  but  allows  it 
to  shed  a  lustre  of  illumination  upon  the 
whole  roadway  of  life  over  which  it 
shines;  and  instead  of  casting  what  is 
immediately  at  his  feet  into  greater  dark- 
ness, this  distant  light  searches  out  every 
nook  and  cranny  of  existence,  and  enables 
him  to  pursue  his  path  unfalteringly,  to 
recognise  the  size  and  dimensions  of  each 
object  in  his  path,  its  power  of  facilitat- 
ing or  impeding  progress,  of  yielding  or 
resisting;  and,  finally,  it  gives  him  a 
clear  notion  of  distance  itself.  And  thus 
he  is  patient,  and  not  petulant,  as  regards 
what  lies  immediately  before  him,  know- 
ing that  he  has  beyond  a  clear,  lofty  goal 
which  lights  and  warms. 

It  is  thus  that  the  expansion  of  Western 
ideals  will  ultimately  tend    towards    the 
supreme  goal  of  the  World's  Peace;  and 
105 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

I  maintain  in  all  sincerity  of  conviction, 
that  it  is  through  the  introduction  of  the 
United  States  into  this  great  expanding 
movement,  and  through,  as  a  first  step, 
the  realisation  of  the  English-Speaking 
Brotherhood,  that  this  ultimate  goal  is 
most  likely  to  be  attained. 

When,  within  the  last  decade,  colonial 
expansion  more  and  more  asserted  itself  as 
the  dominant  motive  power  in  the  policy 
of  European  nations,  the  lovers  of  progress 
and  peace  were  struck  with  horror  at  the 
appearance  of  this  new  Leviathan,  this 
great  enemy  of  humanity,  that  threatened 
to  furnish  a  continuance  of  causes  for 
internecine  warfare  after  the  dynastic 
rivalries  had  died  away,  and  when  the 
racial  and  territorial  differences  seemed  to 
be  gradually  losing  their  virulent  energy 
in  Europe.  It  looked  as  if  we  were 
entering  into  a  chaotic  period  of  Uni- 
versal Grab,  in  which  each  nation  would 
1 06 


and  The  World's  Peace 

rush  in  to  seize  all  the  spoils  it  could 
carry,  and  would  frequently  have  to  drop 
them  in  order  to  fight  its  equally  vora- 
cious neighbour.  This  gloomy  view  has 
been  completely  dispelled  by  the  prospect 
of  a  real  English-Speaking  Brotherhood. 
For,  as  regards  colonial  expansion,  I  can 
see  the  English-speaking  conception  of 
colonisation  in  clear  opposition,  in  the 
domain  of  material  interests  as  well  as 
in  that  of  ideas  and  ideals,  to  that  of 
the  Continental  European  Powers.  And 
this  common  ground  of  thought,  feeling, 
and  action  will  of  necessity  tend  to  bind 
the  English-speaking  peoples  together. 
Through  it  I  look  forward  to  much  more 
than  an  Anglo-Saxon  Alliance.  I  can 
see  the  day  when  there  will  be  a  great 
confederation  of  the  independent  and 
self-governing  English-speaking  nations, 
made  clearly  recognisable  and  effective  to 
the  outer  world  by  some  new  form  of 
107 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

international  corporation,  which  states- 
men and  jurists  will  be  able  to  devise 
when  the  necessity  of  things  calls  for  it. 
For,  day  by  day,  this  union  of  the  Eng- 
lish-speaking peoples  is  becoming  more 
of  an  accomplished  fact  in  the  social  and 
economical  life  of  the  people  themselves. 
Consider  the  strength  of  such  a  confedera- 
tion! Who  will  say  nay  to  it?  And  the 
stronger  it  is,  the  better  for  the  peace  of 
the  world;  it  will  insure  this  more  effectu- 
ally than  any  number  of  Peace  Congresses 
convoked  by  the  mightiest  of  monarchs. 

Step  by  step  this  power  will  advance, 
binding  the  nations  together,  not  severing 
them.  For  it  will  be  based  upon  ideas 
which  unite,  and  not  upon  race  which 
severs.  And  all  those  who  share  these 
ideas  are  ipso  facto  a  part  of  this  union; 
Germany,  which  stands  before  the  world 
as  a  great  leader  of  human  intelligence 
will  be  with  us.  France,  which  over- 
io8 


and  The  World's  Peace 

threw  mediaeval  feudalism  and  first  raised 
the  torch  of  freedom,  will  be  with  us  in 
spite  of  the  tragic  crisis  through  which 
it  is  at  present  passing,  when  vicious 
reaction  is  contending  with  delirious 
anarchy;  —  for  it  must  never  be  forgotten 
that  the  France  of  to-day  produced  the 
Picquarts,  Zolas,  and  many  other  heroes 
who  fought  for  the  sanctity  of  justice. 
Thousands  of  Russians,  their  numbers 
constantly  swelling,  will  be  with  us  in 
spirit,  and  the  spirit  will  force  its  es- 
sence into  inert  matter;  these  leaders 
will  educate  the  people  until  they  will 
modify  (let  us  hope  gradually)  the  spirit 
of  their  own  government. 

Then  we  shall  be  prepared  to  make  an 
end  of  war;  because  behind  the  great 
humanitarian  idea  there  will  be  the  power 
to  safeguard  these  ideas.  "  No  right 
without  might  "  is  a  cynical  aphorism  of 
which  history  has  proved  the  truth.  To 
109 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

be  effective,  the  law  must  have  behind  it 
the  power  to  enforce  its  decisions.  It  is 
so  in  national  law,  and  it  will  be  so  in 
international  law. 

Let  us  allow  our  "dream  "  to  material- 
ise still  further.  I  can  see  this  great 
Confederacy  of  the  future  established  per- 
manently with  its  local  habitation,  let  us 
say  on  one  of  the  islands,  — the  Azores, 
Bermuda,  the  Canaries,  Madeira.  And 
here  will  be  sitting  the  great  Court  of 
Arbitration,  composed  of  most  eminent 
men  from  all  the  nations  in  the  Confed- 
eracy. Here  will  be  assembled,  always 
ready  to  carry  into  effect  the  laws  enacted, 
an  international  army,  and  an  interna- 
tional fleet, — the  police  of  the  world's 
highways.  No  recalcitrant  nation  (then, 
and  only  then,  will  the  nations  be  able  to 
disarm)  could  venture  to  oppose  its  will  to 
that  of  this  supreme  representative  of  jus- 
tice. Perhaps  this  court  may  develop  into  a 
no 


and  The  World's  Peace 

court  of  appeals,  dealing  not  only  with  mat- 
ters of  state.  The  function  of  this  capital 
to  the  great  Confederacy  will  not  only  con- 
cern war;  but  peace  as  well.  There  will 
be  established  here  "  Bureaux  "  represent- 
ing the  interests  which  all  the  nations 
have  in  common.  As  regards  commerce 
and  industry,  they  will  distribute  through- 
out the  world  important  information  con- 
cerning the  supply  and  demand  of  the 
world's  markets,  and  counteracting  to 
some  extent  the  clumsy  economical  chaos 
which  now  causes  so  much  distress 
throughout  the  world.  Science  and  art, 
which  are  ever  the  most  effective  bonds 
between  civilised  peoples,  will  there  find 
their  international  habitation,  and  here 
will  be  established  the  great  international 
universities,  and  libraries,  and  museums. 
There  will  be  annual  exhibitions  of  works 
of  art  and  industry,  so  that  the  nations, 
comparatively  so  ignorant  of  each  other's 
III 


The  Expansion  of  Western  Ideals 

work  now,  should  learn  fully  to  appreciate 
each  other.  And  at  greater  intervals 
there  will  be  greater  exhibitions  and  in- 
ternational meetings,  the  modern  form  of 
the  Olympic  games.  The  Amphyctionic 
Council  of  Delphi,  as  well  as  the  Olympic 
Games  of  the  small  Greek  communities, 
will  find  their  natural  and  un-romantic 
revival  in  this  centre  of  civilisation,  this 
tangible  culminating  point  of  Western 
Ideals.  Thus  will  the  World's  Peace  be 
insured,  the  nations  be  brought  together, 
and  the  ancient  inherited  prejudices  and 
hatreds  be  stamped  out  from  the  face  of 
the  earth. 


112 


The   English-Speaking 
Brotherhood 

A  Lecture  delivered  at  the  Imperial  Insti- 
tute, London,  the  Earl  of  Rosebery, 
K.G.,  K.T.,  IN  THE  Chair,  on  July  7, 
i8q8 


IP 

THE  discussion  of  an  Anglo-Saxon 
Alliance,  while  evoking  almost 
universal  enthusiasm  and  approval,  both 
in  England  and  in  the  United  States,  has 
at  the  same  time  called  forth  criticisms 
and  strictures  which  it  is  well  for  us  to 
study  dispassionately.  Though  these  ob- 
jections come  from  those  who  are  either 
decidedly  inimical  to  the  main  spirit  and 
substance  of  such  an  alliance,  or  at  least 
show  no  friendly  attitude  towards  it,  their 
attacks  are  undoubtedly  directed  towards 
the  weakest  point  of  this  great  and  all- 
important  scheme.  When,  moreover,  we 
find  that  these  vulnerable  parts  are  in  no 
way  essential  to  the  main  stem  and  body, 

1  This  lecture  is  here  printed  as  prepared  for  delivery 
in  London  last  year  without  any  change. 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

and  that,  by  lopping  them  off,  we  can 
ensure  the  only  form  of  sane  and  healthy 
growth,  these  criticisms  ought  to  be 
gratefully  considered  at  this  early  stage. 
Strictures  similar  to  those  made  by  Mr. 
Davitt  in  his  letters  to  "The  Times" 
might  be  made  —  though  on  different 
grounds  and  from  different  motives  —  by 
one  who  is  the  most  ardent  devotee  to 
the  idea  of  an  alliance  or  complete 
understanding  between  Great  Britain  and 
her  Colonies  and  the  United  States  of 
America.  It  would  be  most  distressing 
to  him  if  what  is,  after  all,  a  minor  point 
were  to  destroy  the  whole  of  this  scheme 
at  its  very  inception,  or  that,  if  this 
minor  point  itself  were  to  gain  impor- 
tance, such  an  alliance  would  be  jeopard- 
ised in  its  leading  purpose,  and  for  all 
time  its  vitality  and  durability  would  be 
threatened.  For  an  effective  and  close 
amity,  if  not  a  federation,  between  Great 
ii6 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

Britain  and  the  United  States  has  been 
one  of  the  dreams  of  my  life,  which  ap- 
peared remote,  sometimes  very  remote; 
yet  which,  whatever  may  happen,  has  now 
fortunately  been  brought  near  to  realisa- 
tion in  the  minds  of  the  best  and  even  the 
most  sober  people  in  botli  countries. 

Mr.  Davitt  has  shown  that  the  Ameri- 
can nation  cannot  be  considered  to  con- 
sist of  Anglo-Saxons.  He  has  pointed 
with  force,  perhaps  with  some  exaggera- 
tion, to  the  people  of  Irish  birth  or 
descent  as  a  strong  component  element 
in  the  American  nation.  That  this  is  so 
as  regards  the  Irish  cannot  be  doubted, 
and  it  can  be  extended  to  other  nationali- 
ties within  the  American  people  clearly 
not  of  Anglo-Saxon  origin.  Whatever 
the  practical  reasons  or  interests  in  speak- 
ing of  such  an  alliance  as  an  Anglo-Saxon 
Alliance  may  be,  as  a  matter  of  truthful 
and  accurate  statement  such  terms  can 
117 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

never  be  used  to  convey  and  to  cover  ade- 
quately the  ideas  which  they  are  meant  to 
impart.  An  alliance  between  the  British 
Empire  and  the  United  States  of  America 
can  never  rightly  be  called  an  Anglo- 
Saxon  Alliance;  nor  do  we  mean  Anglo- 
Saxon  when  we  have  in  mind  the  British 
Empire  or  even  the  English  people  — 
still  less  the  American  nation.  They  can 
all  be  called  English-speaking  nations. 

Take  the  case  of  the  English  people. 
Who  can  define,  with  any  claim  to  scien- 
tific accuracy,  the  ethnological  elements 
to  be  found  in  the  earliest  pre-historic 
inhabitants,  followed  by  Celts,  Romans, 
Angles,  Jutes,  Danes,  Saxons,  and  Nor- 
mans? Who  would  compute  and  give 
their  accurate  value  in  the  formation  of 
the  English  people,  its  government, 
policy,  its  intellectual,  social,  and  eco- 
nomical life,  to  the  subsequent  immi- 
gration of  Dutch  and  Flemish,  French 
ii8 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

Huguenot,  Italian,  Jewish,  weavers  and 
craftsmen,  bankers  and  traders,  thinkers 
and  artists?  All  these  elements  com- 
bined and  intermingled,  merged  and  fused 
into  one  another  in  the  social  and  politi- 
cal unity  of  this  people,  have  made  the 
British  Empire  of  to-day. 

It  profits  little  to  disintegrate  these 
component  parts  and  weigh  them  sepa- 
rately in  the  scales  of  abstract  science;  it 
mars  much,  however,  to  turn  this  inaccu- 
rate abstract  thought  into  action,  into 
practical  life  and  politics,  and  to  use  its 
theoretical  dryness  to  fan  the  flames  of  a 
misguided  political  passion.  If  this  be 
true  of  the  dwellers  in  England  itself  and 
of  the  English  people  of  the  present,  it 
is  still  more  true  when  we  consider  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  not  to  mention  the 
transfusion  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  in  Scot- 
land with  Celtic  and  other  ethnological 
elements. 

119 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

Unfortunately  the  misdeeds  and  blun- 
ders of  those  who  governed  England  in 
the  past,  as  well  as  the  leading  questions 
of  actual  politics  in  our  own  days,  have 
made  the  Irish  Question  synonymous 
with  the  measure  of  separateness  claimed 
by,  or  to  be  given  to,  the  inhabitants  of 
Ireland.  But  there  is  another  side  to  the 
Irish  Question  which,  if  political  pas- 
sions and  interests  allowed  of  it,  would 
be  recognised  as  equally  interesting  and 
instructive.  This  Irish  Question  would 
consider  the  actual  and  historical  claims 
which  Irish  people  have  to  be  an  integral 
and  important  part  in  the  wholeness  of 
the  British  people  and  in  the  making  of 
the  British  Empire.  And  if  there  be 
glory  in  the  making  of  such  an  Empire, 
and  justified  pride  in  the  strength  and 
superiority  of  such  a  nation,  the  Irish 
people,  whether  they  accept  it  or  not, 
have  an  undeniable  claim  to  such  glory. 

I20 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

I  am  not  only  thinking  of  great  individ- 
uals who  made,  framed,  or  modified  the 
lasting  fabric  of  this  Empire,  not  of 
Wellington  (who  is  and  remains  an  Irish 
Briton  more  than  William  the  Conqueror 
and  his  successors  were  Englishmen),  of 
the  Wolfes  and  Coughs,  and  Dillons, 
and  Inchiquins,  the  Bourkes  and  O'Con- 
nells,  the  Grattans,  and  scores  of  others. 
I  am  not  only  bearing  in  mind  the  huge 
number  of.  great  Englishmen  who  inher- 
ited their  personal  greatness  perhaps  more 
from  their  Irish  mother  than  from  their 
English  father;  but  I  am  thinking  of  the 
compact  army  of  Irish  Britons  who  fought 
our  battles  and  who  force  us  to  recall  the 
heroism  of  the  Connaught  Rangers,  the 
Royal  Irish  Regiment,  the  Royal  Innis- 
killing  Fusiliers,  the  Royal  Munster  Fusil- 
iers, and  many  others,  while  we  glorify  the 
Gordon  and  Seaforth  Highlanders  in  their 
recent  victories.      Moreover  we  must  not 

121 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

limit  our  estimate  of  the  Irishman's  share 
in  the  making  of  Greater  Britain  to  the 
consideration  of  the  fighter's  in  war;  but 
there  are  the  armies  of  working  men  who 
have  contributed  by  their  skill  and  the 
sweat  of  their  brow  to  the  supremacy  of 
our  manufacture  and  trade  in  Manchester, 
Liverpool,  and  all  the  industrial  centres, 
and  who  had  so  great  a  share  in  the  early 
formation  of  our  thriving  colonies  beyond 
the  seas. 

Can  we,  even  after  a  hasty  considera- 
tion of  these  facts,  use  the  term  Anglo- 
Saxon  in  connection  with  Greater  Britain 
in  anything  but  the  sense  of  a  figure  of 
speech,  and  a  very  inaccurate  one  at  that  ? 
And  when  such  a  figure  of  speech  is  not 
only  misleading  in  thought,  but  may 
work  upon  the  feelings  of  great  masses 
of  people,  cripple  or  stultify  or  misdirect 
action,  what  use  can  there  be  in  applying 
it  at  all ? 

122 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

If  now  we  turn  to  the  United  States, 
the  term  Anglo-Saxon  with  its  faults  and 
pedantic  suggestion  of  ethnological  fun- 
damentality  is  still  more  inaccurate  and 
misleading.  It  is  true,  and  will  always 
remain  so,  that  the  substructure  of  Amer- 
ican national  life  is  English,  English  in 
language,  in  its  social  and  political  insti- 
tutions. But  ethnologically  the  Ameri- 
can nation  presents  a  huge  and  unequalled 
mixture  of  different  European  races ;  and 
I  venture  to  hold  that  upon  this  very  mixt- 
ure depends  its  ultimate  strength,  though 
it  may  be  the  source  of  occasional  weak- 
ness and  danger  when  the  national  fusion 
is  not  recognised  as  paramount.  Nay,  I 
venture  to  say  that,  in  the  present  phase 
of  American  historical  evolution,  the  in- 
complete state  of  national  unity  in  the 
process  of  this  fusion  is  the  greatest  na- 
tional danger.  It  is,  for  instance,  well 
known  and  readily  recognised,  that  the 
123 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

preponderance  of  Irish  influence  in  the 
politics  of  our  own  day  has,  on  more  than 
one  occasion,  given  a  serious  turn  to  the 
gravest  questions  of  federal  politics,  as  it 
constantly  and  continuously  affects  local 
administration.  And  it  will  readily  be 
seen  how  this  may  in  turn  evoke  similar 
groupings  and  antagonisms  of  the  other 
national  components,  which,  to  say  the 
least,  do  not  contribute  to  the  compact- 
ness and  political  unity  of  a  nation. 
Whenever  in  the  United  States  one  or 
the  other  of  these  would-be  racial  ele- 
ments rises  up  as  a  majority,  or  even  as 
an  effective  minority,  and  carries  its  sepa- 
rateness  into  political  action,  we  shall 
have  distinct  cases  of  national  disease 
and  of  national  crises.  The  geographical 
vastness  of  the  country  is  not,  as  De 
Tocqueville  anticipated,  the  chief  source 
of  danger  to  American  unity,  not  even 
the  stereotyping  of  opposed  interests  in 
124 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

the  East  and  West  and  the  recognition 
of  such  an  opposition  on  the  part  of  the 
people.  It  is  only  when  this  difference 
of  so-called  interests^  is  fixed  and  intensi- 
fied and  appeals  to  the  passions  and  prej- 
udices of  the  people,  when  it  becomes 
social  in  character  and  develops  Chauvin- 
istic antagonisms,   that  it  acts  as  a  real 

1  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  when  such  material 
interests  can  be  clearly  grouped  according  to  districts 
or  social  divisions  they  do  not  tend  to  strengthen  ten- 
fold the  existing  antagonisms ;  as,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  recognition  of  common  interests  increases  amity 
and  the  need  for  alliance,  in  fact,  brings  these  uniting 
currents  to  a  head.  That  is  why  the  Far  East, 
as  a  common  fund  of  material  interest  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  has  given  a  consistent, 
firm,  and  strong  immediate  impulse  to  the  idea  of  such 
an  alliance.  Such  common  interests  will  ultimately 
strengthen  amity  into  alliance.  But  this  is  only  be- 
cause these  material  seeds  fell  upon  the  fertile  ground 
of  a  common  civilisation,  national  sympathies  and 
ideals.  Conversely  we  must  hold  that  the  Franco- 
Russian  Alliance  will  always  remain  precarious,  because 
it  is  purely  opportunistic  and  is  only  based  on  material 
interest. 

125 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

revolutionary  force.  The  moment  the 
Westerner  is  recognised  by  the  Easterner 
as  distinct  from  himself,  and  recognises 
himself  as  such,  the  seeds  of  disruption 
are  sown.^ 

Of  this  there  are  and  have  been  danger- 
ous symptoms  in  the  United  States,  never 
quite  clear  and  clearly  defined,  but  there 
all  the  same.  It  is  not  only  that  the 
Western  farmer  is  opposed  in  his  inter- 

^  The  careful  student  of  politics  will  realise  that  the 
fundamental  danger  to  Italian  unity,  as  well  as  to  the 
stability  of  government  in  France,  lies  in  the  dualism  and 
antagonism  between  the  Northerner  (Piemontese)  and 
the  Southerner  (Neapolitan),  the  Northerner  in  France 
and  the  Meridional  or  Southerner ;  just  as,  in  the  first 
stages  of  the  contemporary  German  Empire,  the  differ- 
ences between  the  Prussian  and  South  German  was 
the  most  potent  factor  against  German  unity.  These 
differences  and  antagonisms  of  temperament  only  be- 
come effective  in  the  world  of  politics  when  they  mean 
differences  of  social  institutions,  tastes,  and  aspirations, 
of  tradition  and  ideals.  They  make  real  and  full 
understanding  impossible ;  and  most  quarrels  grow  out 
of  misunderstanding. 

126 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

ests  to  the  Eastern  merchant  and  manu- 
facturer,' the  Western  borrower  to  the 
Eastern  capitalist.  These  differences 
may  no  doubt  create  severe  competition 
and  legislative  struggles;  but  there  is 
no  reason  why  they  should  penetrate 
deeply  into  the  most  complex  develop- 
ments of  social  life,  and  there  produce, 
not  rivalry,  but  actual  antipathy  and  social 
antagonism. 

Now  this  social  antagonism  between 
the  East  and  West  of  the  United  States, 
so  far  as  it  may  exist,  is  chiefly  due  to 
the  very  same  conceptions  as  might  be 
grouped  round  such  vague  and  pernicious 
terms  as  Anglo-Saxon.  In  spite  of  the 
great  emigration  from  the  New  England 
States  to  the  West,  and  though  the  most 

1  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  would  be  more  natural  to 
assume  that  the  Western  farmer  and  the  Eastern  mer- 
chant or  importer  are  combined  in  economical  interest 
against  the  Eastern  manufacturer. 
127 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

active  element  in  the  West  may  be  of 
New  England  origin,  the  obtrusion  of 
such  New  England  origin  in  the  West 
and  the  recognition  of  "  Mayflower  pre- 
tensions "  in  the  East  are  at  the  bottom 
of  a  great  part  of  this  social  antagonism. 
It  is  no  doubt  true  that  a  great  deal  of 
the  active  opposition  against  England  in 
America  within  the  last  few  years  was 
immediately  excited  by  the  Irish  enemy 
of  the  Saxon.  But  though  this  Irish 
opposition  accounts  for  a  good  deal  of  the 
anti-English  feeling  in  the  East,  it  is 
not  so  in  the  West.  In  the  West  the 
antagonism  to  England  was  very  much 
the  same  as  the  Western  opposition  to 
the  pretensions  to,  perhaps  the  posses- 
sion of,  superior  education,  manners,  and 
breeding  prevalent  in  the  Eastern  States 
of  the  Union.  Nay,  with  a  large  section 
of  the  population  in  the  East  itself,  it 
was  not  Irish  sympathy  which  produced 
128 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

the  anti-English  feeling,  but  elements  of 
a  social  nature  which,  consciously  or 
unconsciously,  aroused  antagonism,  and 
which  might  be  defined  as  the  English  or 
Anglo-Saxon  elements.  It  was  a  protest 
and  reaction  against  the  wave  of  Anglo- 
mania which  has  made  itself  felt  as  a 
social  force  in  those  classes  which  were 
socially  predominant.  The  gibes  and  wit- 
ticisms grouping  round  the  catch  phrases 
such  as  "  'T  is  English  you  know,"  or  the 
New  York  street-arab's  query,  addressed 
to  the  "dude"  whose  trousers  were  turned 
up,  "  Is  it  raining  in  London }  "  —  the 
report  that  in  certain  fashionable  clubs 
card  and  betting  debts  were  computed  in 
sovereigns  and  shillings,  —  all  this  is 
clearly  indicative  of  social  antagonisms. 

When  the  social   pretensions   of   such 
classes  were   thus  expressed  in  "  Anglo- 
Saxon  "  terms  and  when  the  ethnological, 
quasi-feudal,  basis  for  such  social  distinc- 
9  129 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

tion  was  fixed  upon  pure  English  descent, 
the  internal,  local,  social  antagonisms  in 
the  United  States  itself  were,  on  suita- 
ble occasions,  readily  turned  into  strong 
antagonism  against  the  original  corpus 
viley  namely,  England.  Not  only  the 
Irish,  but  the  Americans  of  German, 
French,  and  Dutch  descent,  and  the  mass 
of  population  coming  from  other  Euro- 
pean nations,  all  are  naturally  opposed  to 
any  Anglo-Saxon  assertiveness. 

What  really  unites  all  these  different 
peoples,  massed  together  in  this  great 
country,  are  the  actual  political  institu- 
tions, the  basal  views  and  habits  of  life 
and  living,  and  the  common  language. 
To  remind  them  of  the  English  origin 
of  these  at  a  moment  when  the  English 
part  of  them  is  used  to  mark  a  distinc- 
tion between  certain  groupings  in  their 
national  society,  to  call  upon  the  rivalry 
which  comes  from  separateness  and  exclu- 
130 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

sion  in  the  common  life  of  social  bodies 
—  produces  discord  where  the  result  ought 
to  be  harmony.  For  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  complete  national  and  social 
assimilation  into  the  American  people  is 
reached  when  the  foreign  emigrant  and 
his  descendants,  — who  were  at  first  stig- 
matised by  cries  of  "  Mickie"  for  the  Irish, 
allusions  to  Saiicr-Kraiit  for  the  Germans 
or  Dutchmen,  Dago  for  the  Italians,  — 
when  these  are  no  longer  grouped  together 
in  distinct  quarters  in  the  larger  towns, 
and  when  the  English  language,  which 
includes  or  suggests  common  ways  of 
thinking  and  habits  of  living,  has  been 
fully  mastered. 

If  these  differences  are  felt  in  the  East, 
and  are  in  great  part  responsible  for  Eng- 
lish antagonisms,  their  original  meaning 
has  become  still  more  comprehensive  in 
the  minds  of  the  Westerner.  To  him  the 
Easterner  stands  in  a  relation  similar  to 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

that  which  obtains  between  the  social 
Anglo-maniac  and  his  opponent  in  the 
East.  He  must  recognise  that  the  condi- 
tions of  Eastern  life  are  more  favourable 
to  higher  education  and  to  all  the  ameni- 
ties of  culture  than  those  of  his  own 
younger  and  ruder  home,  and  he  is  on  the 
lookout  for,  and  on  the  defensive  against, 
any  arrogation  of  higher  claims  on  the 
part  of  the  Easterner  whom  he  may  meet. 
This  may  often  blind  him  to  the  fact  that 
it  evokes  in  him  a  peculiar  form  of  asser- 
tiveness  which  is  frequently  less  dignified 
than  it  is  boisterously  manifest.  The 
Western  stories  which  turn  upon  the 
ridiculous  unfitness  of  the  florid  New 
York  "dude,"  the  "Harvard  man,"  or 
"the  young  lady  from  Boston,"  to  adapt 
themselves  to  the  healthy  and  unostenta- 
tious simplicity  of  their  own  life,  illus- 
trate the  prevalence  of  feeling  which  goes 
deep  down  into  the  life  of  the  people. 
132 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

Similar  differences  exist  in  England  be- 
tween, let  us  say,  the  Public  School  and 
University  man  and  those  who  have  not 
spent  their  youth  in  such  institutions. 

Now  the  term  Anglo-Saxon,  besides 
being  inaccurately  pedantic  and  funda- 
mentally untrue  when  used  to  denote  the 
uniting  element  between  the  two  great 
peoples,  is  as  misleading  in  America  as 
it  is  in  Great  Britain  and  comes  danger- 
ously near  to  the  natural  prejudices  of 
both  peoples.  These  prejudices  can  be 
skilfully  awakened  and  intensified,  and 
will  be  effectively  used  on  the  numerous 
occasions  which  will  present  themselves, 
by  those  whose  interest  it  is  to  keep  the 
two  nations  asunder.  How  much  such 
people  are  aware  of  this,  and  how  readily 
such  ethnological  differences  can  be  used 
to  sow  the  seeds  of  discord,  is  illustrated 
by  a  telegram  to  the  "Times  "  quoting  a 
letter  signed  by  a  well  known  Russian 
133 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

writer  in  the  "  Novoe  Vremya "  on  the 
occasion  of  Mr.  Gladstone's  death.  He 
says: 

"The  strength  and  weakness  of  Mr. 
Gladstone  consisted  in  the  fact  that  he 
was  not  an  Englishman  but  a  Celt,  with 
a  great  soul  and  a  great  mind,  but  a  mind 
without  English  cruelty,  narrow-minded- 
ness, and  unscrupulousness  in  the  choice 
of  means  towards  an  end.  He  was  able 
to  inspire  the  souls  of  others,  but  his 
ideals  were  too  much  for  the  average 
Englishman,  in  whom  the  spirit  of  the 
old  Saxon  and  Norman  robbers  is  still  to 
be  traced.  He  would  have  felt  himself 
more  at  home  in  Russia  than  in  England, 
had  he  known  our  country,  but  it  was  felt 
that  he  was  attracted  to  our  side.  Little 
by  little,  the  scaly  covering  of  the  Eng- 
lishman left  the  soul  of  the  great  Celt, 
and  he  became  convinced  of  the  necessity 
of  liberating  his  kinsmen  the  Irish.  The 
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English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

English,  however,  refused  to  join  with 
him  when  they  felt  that  he  was  not  one 
of  themselves,  and  he  died  with  French 
words  upon  his  lips.  Peace  to  his  ashes  ! 
He  has  been  a  grand  elevating  example 
to  all  humanity." 

I  object  to  the  term  Anglo-Saxon  when 
used  to  qualify  the  amity  or  alliance 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States,  because  the  ideas  it  conveys  are 
inaccurate  and  untrue,  and  further  be- 
cause it  opens  the  doors  to  that  most 
baneful  and  pernicious  of  modern  national 
diseases,  which  has  disseminated  its  virus 
through  most  European  States  and  from 
which  we  have  hitherto  enjoyed  compar- 
ative immunity,  namely,  Ethnological 
Chauvinism.  The  slightest  infusion  of 
such  a  spirit  suggested  by  the  term  Anglo- 
Saxon  will  not  only  stultify  the  efforts 
towards  closer  national  amity,  but  may,  if 
insisted  upon  and  strengthened,  produce 
135 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

disintegrating  disturbances  in  the  inter- 
nal national  life  of  these  countries. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  ex- 
treme and  unbalanced  form  of  so-called 
patriotism  which  is  now  designated  by 
the  term  Chauvinism  had  its  origin  in  the 
time  of  Napoleon,  when  Chauvin  lived 
as  the  unbounded  admirer  of  that  great 
leader  of  men.  But  Chauvinism  can  in 
no  sense  be  called  an  outcome,  or  even 
a  modification,  of  patriotism.  They  are 
two  distinct,  if  not  opposed,  ideas,  the 
following  of  either  of  which  points  to 
characters  and  temperaments  as  different 
as  the  generous  are  from  the  covetous. 
Patriotism  is  a  positive  attitude  of  the 
soul.  Chauvinism  is  a  negative  tendency 
or  passion.  Patriotism  is  the  love  of, 
and  devotion  to,  the  fatherland,  to  the 
wider  or  the  more  restricted  home,  and  to 
the  common  interests  and  aspirations  and 
ideals  of  these.  Chauvinism  marks  the 
136 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

antagonistic  attitude  to  all  persons,  inter- 
ests, and  ideas,  not  within  this  wider  or 
narrower  conception  of  the  fatherland  or 
home.  Patriotism  is  love,  Chauvinism 
is  jealousy.  The  one  is  generous,  the 
other  is  envious.  The  loving  tempera- 
ment makes  for  expansion,  the  jealous 
tends  towards  contraction  and  restriction. 
While  the  patriot  who  loves  his  people 
and  his  country  is  therefore  likely  to  be 
tolerant,  even  generous  and  affectionate, 
towards  the  stranger,  the  Chauvinist  is 
likely  to  turn  the  burning  fire  of  his 
animosity  inwards,  within  the  narrow 
spheres  and  groupings  of  even  his  own 
country.  Now  this  vice  of  hatred  and 
envy  which  may,  alas,  be  ingrained  deep 
down  in  human  nature,  may  have  existed 
in  all  times  and  places  of  human  history 
and  may  have  been  predominant  in  some; 
yet  in  our  own  times  it  has  received  a 
peculiar  character,  a  special  formulation, 
137 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

with  an  attempt  at  justification.  I  have 
tried  to  qualify  the  general  Chauvinism 
in  the  form  predominant  in  our  time  by 
the  attribute  Ethnological  Chauvinism. 

The  origin  of  this  social  disease  within 
the  nations  of  Europe  may  be  traced  back 
first  to  Napoleon,  when,  with  the  inner 
growth  of  France  and  its  power,  and  his 
successes  in  Italy,  he  coupled  the  de- 
signed enfeeblement,  if  not  the  destruc- 
tion, of  the  German  Empire  by  splitting 
it  up  into  insignificant  principalities 
under  his  own  influence.  There  is  no 
doubt  he  conceived  the  bold  idea  of  the 
predominance  of  the  Latin  race  and  Em- 
pire over  the  Teutonic  race  and  over  the 
world  in  general.  But  he  found  him- 
self wedged  in  between  two  forces  which 
checked  the  advance  of  this  Latin  Hege- 
monia,  and  which  ultimately  crushed  him. 
On  the  one  side  was  the  Slav,  on  the 
other  side  there  was  the  Anglo-Saxon. 
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English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

He  succeeded  for  the  time  in  repressing 
the  Teuton,  but  he  failed  both  in  Russia 
and  in  his  struggle  with  Great  Britain. 

As  a  reaction  against  this  Latin  wave 
which  submerged  the  Teuton  Empire,  the 
German  patriots  endeavoured  to  restore 
the  vitality  of  the  sturdy  Teutonic  oak. 
But  while  the  Latin  Crusade  had  for  its 
inspiring  preacher  the  great  leader  and 
man  of  action  himself,  the  Germanic 
revival  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  theorist  and 
thinker,  and  a  German  philosopher  and 
professor,  Fichte,  in  his  Reden  an  die 
Deutsche  Nation,  is  the  fullest  exponent 
of  these  views.  These  again  are  further 
formulated  and  carried  into  the  realms  of 
romantic  thought,  theory,  and  science  by 
the  learned  enthusiasts  who  led  the  Revo- 
lution of  1848  in  Germany. 

But  again  there  turned  up  a  great  man 
of  action  who,  knowing  his  countrymen 
and  the  trend  of  the  times,  utilised  all 
139 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

these  currents  to  weld  together  the  sepa- 
rate blocks,  — smoothly  polished  and  florid 
marbles  of  prince-ridden  principalities, 
and  clumsy  unhewn  stones  and  rubble- 
stones  of  independent  cities  and  towns, 
—  the  huge  edifice  of  the  German  Empire. 
The  scientific  spirit  which  was  pervading 
the  civilised  world  of  Western  Europe 
was  recognised  by  Bismarck  as  a  useful 
force  which  could  be  turned  into  practical 
advantage  for  the  great  purpose  he  had  in 
view.  He  called  upon  the  German  pro- 
fessor —  even  the  ethnologist,  philologist, 
and  historian  —  and  they  obeyed  his  com- 
mand with  readiness  and  alacrity.  The 
theoretical  and  scientific  lever  with  which 
these  huge  building  blocks  were  to  be 
raised  in  order  to  construct  the  German 
Empire  was  to  be  the  scientific  establish- 
ment of  the  unity  of  the  German  people 
based  upon  the  unity  of  Germanic  races. 
An  historical  basis  for  German  unity  was 
140 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

not  enough;  an  ethnological,  racial  unity 
had  to  be  established.  The  historical 
and  philological  literature  of  German  uni- 
versity professors  belonging  to  the  time 
of  Bismarck's  ascendency  can  almost  be 
recognised  and  classified  by  their  relation 
to  the  problem  of  establishing,  fixing, 
and  distinguishing  from  those  of  other 
races,  the  laws  and  customs,  literature, 
languages  and  religions,  the  life  and 
thought,  the  productions  and  the  aspira- 
tions of  the  Germanic  race. 

This  influence  went  beyond  the  bounds 
of  Germany:  by  sympathy  in  England, 
the  Freemans,  and  those  who  felt  with 
him,  thumped  the  Saxon  drum;  while, 
by  contrast,  in  France,  the  Fiistcl  de 
Coulanges  played  variations  in  softer 
strains  on  the  theme  of  the  Cit^  Aiitiqnc. 
In  course  of  time  and  of  events  Russia, 
in  the  growing  vigour  of  its  racial  and 
national  expansion,  formulated  and  de- 
141 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

veloped  its  Panslavistic  theory  and  war- 
cry. 

The  distinctive  feature  in  this  modern 
version  of  the  old  story  of  national  lust 
of  power  is,  that  it  now  assumed  a  more 
serious  and  stately  garb  of  historical  jus- 
tice in  the  pedantic  pretensions  of  its 
inaccurate  ethnological  theories.  The 
absurdity  of  any  application  of  such 
ethnological  theories  to  the  practical 
politics  of  modern  nations  at  once  be- 
comes manifest  when  an  attempt  is  made 
to  classify  the  inhabitants  of  any  one 
of  these  western  nations  by  means  of 
such  racial  distinctions.  What  becomes 
of  the  racial  unity  of  the  present  Ger- 
man Empire  if  we  consider  the  Slavs  of 
Prussia,  the  Wends  in  the  North,  and 
the  tangle  of  different  racial  occupa- 
tions and  interminglings  during  the  last 
thousand  years  within  every  portion  of 
the  German  country  .!*  And  the  same 
142 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

applies   to    France    and    England,    Italy 
and  Spain. 

But  the  German  professor,  with  his 
political  brief  wrapped  round  the  lecture- 
notes  within  the  oilcloth  portfolio,  pressed 
between  his  broadcloth  sleeve  and  ribs, 
as  he  walks  to  his  lecture  room,  was 
forced  further  afield  and  deeper  down  in 
his  "scientific"  distinctions.  The  divis- 
ions he  established  for  the  purposes  of 
national  policy  were  but  minor  sub- 
divisions of  broader  ethnological  distinc- 
tions. Here  the  philologist  took  the 
lead  and  established  "beyond  all  doubt" 
the  difference,  nay,  the  antagonism,  be- 
tween the  Arian  and  the  Semitic,  which 
makes  the  Hindoo  more  closely  related  to 
the  German  and  Saxon  than  these  are  to 
Spinoza,  Mendelssohn  and  Heine,  Carl 
Marx  and  Disraeli.  We  can  perhaps  now 
appreciate  the  singular  oversight  of  the 
last  named  statesman  in  not  having  made 
143 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

use  of  the  scientific  establishment  of  this 
fact  in  order  to  strengthen  his  imperialist 
views  of  the  Indian  Empire  as  an  integral 
part  of  Great  Britain. 

This  last  named  classification  could 
further  be  turned  to  practical  advantage 
by  those  in  Germany  whose  interest  it 
would  be  to  set  one  part  of  the  German 
people  against  another  section,  and  to 
create  a  new  party  or  to  strengthen  the 
hands  of  decrepit  old  ones.  And  thus 
there  grew  up  the  anti-Semitic  parties  in 
Germany  and  elsewhere,  who  could  give 
strength  and  some  semblance  of  sober 
dignity  to  their  party  passions  or  violent 
economic  theories  by  so  respectable  a 
scientific  justification  as  a  racial  distinc- 
tion fixed  thousands  of  years  ago.  This 
step  once  made,  however,  has  necessarily 
led  further  afield  into  wider  and  unsafer 
regions,  the  exploration  and  exploitation 
of  which  may  ultimately  lead  to  most  dis- 
144 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

astrous  results.  For,  when  once  the  dis- 
tinction between  Arian  and  Semite  led 
to  the  anti-Semitic  movement,  religious 
prejudices,  or,  at  all  events,  religious  dis- 
tinctions, are  necessarily  carried  in  the 
wake  and  tend  to  serious  complications. 
Were  it  not  for  the  clamorous  interests 
of  recent  politics  in  the  East  and  West, 
as  well  as  in  Africa  and  the  Far  East, 
which  absorb  the  attention  and  the  pas- 
sions of  the  nations  of  Europe,  I  venture 
to  believe  that  the  current  Ethnological 
Chauvinism  would  have  drifted  more  and 
more  into  the  channels  of  religious  Chau- 
vinism. And  we  need  but  recall  the 
history  of  the  seventeenth  and  early 
eighteenth  century  in  Europe  to  realise 
the  effect  of  religious  and  sectarian  ele- 
ments when  mixed  up  with  international 
partisanship ! 

There  were  striking  indications  within 
the  last  few  years  that   the  ethnological 
lo  145 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

game  was  played  out.  In  Russia  the 
Pan-Slavistic  cry  was  growing  feebler 
and  feebler  and  was  gradually  merging 
into  something  like  a  Pan-Orthodox  move- 
ment, which  carried  very  practical,  if  not 
material,  plans  and  purposes  within  the 
religious  breast  of  its  spiritual  devotion. 
Feeble  echoes  of  Pan-Anglicanism  made 
themselves  heard;  while  the  Catholic 
Church  followed  its  old  tradition,  and 
the  national  and  Germanic  ardour  of  Ber- 
lin, if  not  of  the  whole  of  Germany,  was 
diverted  from  the  monster  statues  on  the 
hills  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Teuteburger 
forest  to  the  national  Protestant  churches 
in  the  German  capitals.  Arminius  was 
after  all  a  Pagan!  And  if  this  new  old 
cry  is  silenced  for  a  time  beneath  the  din 
of  Gatling  guns,  the  axes  of  the  coloniser, 
and  the  hammer  of  the  colonial  prospec- 
tor, they  are  not  silenced  for  good  and  all, 
and  will  shortly  be  raised  again. 
146 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

The  result  of  all  this  is,  that  old  antag- 
onisms have  been  intensified  by  the  intro- 
duction of  these  ethnological  distinctions, 
and  that  new  ones,  non-existent  before, 
have  been  created  to  swell  their  nefarious 
phalanx.  No  doubt  other  passions  have 
been  added  to  them,  the  greed  of  gold  and 
the  lust  of  Empire. 

The  result  is  that,  with  all  our  printing- 
press  and  the  rapid  exchange  of  thought 
through  its  channels,  with  our  railways 
and  telegraphs,  which  arc  supposed  to 
bring  us  together  and  to  thwart  invidious 
distance  standing  between  human  hearts 
and  brains,  there  has  never  been  a  period 
in  the  world's  history  when,  in  spite  of 
triple  and  dual  alliances,  every  nation 
feels  more  opposed  to  the  other,  its  hand 
ready  to  strike.  Ask  a  typical  French- 
man whom  he  loves  and  feels  at  one  with .-' 
The  Russian?  One  would  like  to  answer 
him  in  his  own  vernacular:  Qic  allcz 
M7 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

vous  vie  cJiantcr  la  !  And  whom  does  the 
German  feel  a  brother  or  a  cousin  to? 
Surely  not  the  Englishman !  Let  every 
one  go  through  the  list  for  himself  and 
appeal  to  his  past  experience.  The  con- 
ception of  Humanity  as  a  really  potent 
thought,  with  meaning  and  significance, 
calling  forth  definite  feelings  if  not  im- 
ages, a  conception  which  pervaded  the 
thought  and  feeling  which  were  supreme 
in  the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury and  moved  whole  nations  to  action, 
these  are  disused  and  unheard  in  our  day, 
or  are  pityingly  and  incredulously  smiled 
away  as  cant. 

If  we  cannot  resuscitate  and  infuse  the 
spirit  of  life  into  the  corpse  of  Humanity, 
we  can  at  least  prick  the  ethnological 
bubble  and  recall  the  sane  nations  to  the 
reality  of  their  inner  history  and  the  truly 
effective  elements  in  the  actual  national 
and  social  life  of  our  times. 
148 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

Patriotism  is  the  love  we  bear  to  our 
country  and  its  people,  represented  by  its 
government;  the  love  of  order  and  law; 
and  the  submission  of  the  interests  and 
the  life  of  the  individual  to  the  State  and 
its  government,  because  they  stand  for 
order  and  law.  The  modern  State  is  a 
product  of  modern  history,  and  we  need 
not  go  to  the  nebulous  regions  of  pre- 
historic ages  to  seek  for  its  rationale  and 
the  order  and  law  which  are  its  essence. 
If  you  wish  to  go  back  to  the  ethnological 
foundations,  you  must  ignore  and  wipe 
out  the  history  of  centuries  in  Germany, 
France,  Italy,  England,  and  the  United 
States.  You  must  ignore  the  language 
and  literature  and  the  thought  and  feeling 
they  embody  and  convey,  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment evolved,  the  freedom  and  integ- 
rity of  the  citizen  that  are  established,  if 
you  wish  to  build  your  commonwealth 
upon  racial  distinctions.  Arminius  did 
149 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

not  make  the  modern  German  Empire; 
the  Anglo-Saxon  did  not  make  the  Eng- 
land of  to-day.  But  government,  laws, 
institutions,  customs,  habits,  language, 
thought,  —  these  are  clearly  defined  in 
each  State.  Every  day  of  our  lives  these 
facts  are  impressed  upon  us  in  the  streets 
of  the  towns  and  in  the  lanes  of  the  coun- 
try, they  make  up  our  feeling  of  home, 
our  feeling  of  belonging  to  this  country 
and  not  to  another.  These  are  not  evoked 
by  the  stagey  picture,  all  out  of  drawing, 
of  a  Saxon  in  wolf's-skin  with  spear  and 
club,  which  the  ethnological  brush  of  a 
sign-painting  politician  holds  before  the 
eyes  of  the  masses. 

England  is  the  only  country  in  Europe 
which  has  not  yet  been  affected  to  any 
harmful  extent  by  this  disease  of  Chau- 
vinism ;  and  there  is  no  fear  that,  in  spite 
of  all  the  provocation  which  the  attitude 
of  other  nations  towards  us  arouses,  we 
150 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

shall  respond  to  them  in  the  same  tone. 
But,  to  call  an  alliance,  or  the  growing 
amity  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  an  Anglo-Saxon  alliance, 
and  to  accept  such  a  term  as  embodying 
the  essential  bond  of  union  between  these 
two  great  nations,  would  familiarise  us 
with  evil  ideas,  if  it  did  not  create  the 
evil  passions.  What  brings  us,  and  will 
hold  us,  together  is  something  quite  dif- 
ferent and  far  more  potent  than  the  empty 
words  and  the  unsound  theories  with  re- 
gard to  our  racial  origin. 

If  the  forces  we  have  just  considered 
lead  to  Chauvinism,  and  are  not  the  essen- 
tial elements  which  hold  people  together, 
the  question  must  be  asked,  what  these 
binding  elements  really  are.^  Sir  John 
Seeley  maintained  that  "the  chief  forces 
which  hold  a  community  together  arc 
common  nationality,  common  religion, 
common    interest."     I   believe   that   this 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

epitome  errs  in  being  too  narrow  and  in 
omitting  some  elements  which  are  per- 
haps the  most  efficient  in  binding  people 
together,  while  at  least  one  of  the  three  is 
not  essential  to  national  unity  or  national 
amity. 

I  should  prefer  to  summarise  these  ele- 
ments under  the  following  general  head- 
ings: A  common  country;  a  common 
nationality;  a  common  language;  com- 
mon forms  of  government;  common  cul- 
ture, including  customs  and  institutions;  a 
common  history;  a  common  religion,  in  so 
far  as  religion  stands  for  the  same  basis  of 
morality;  and,  finally,  common  interests. 

Now  I  maintain  that  when  any  group 
of  people  have  all  these  eight  elements  in 
common,  they  ought  of  necessity  to  form 
a  nation,  a  political  unity,  internally  and 
towards  the  outside  world;  and  when  a 
group  of  people  have  not  the  first  of  these 
factors  (the  same  country) ,  but  are  essen- 
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English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

tially  akin  in  the  remaining  seven,  they 
ought  to  develop  an  international  alliance 
or  some  close  form  of  lasting  amity.  In 
the  case  of  the  people  of  Great  Britain 
and  of  the  United  States  seven  of  these 
leading  features  that  hold  a  community 
together  are  actively  present. 

It  may  even  be  held  that  the  first  con- 
dition, a  common  country,  which  would 
make  of  the  two  peoples  one  nation,  in 
some  sense  exists  for  them.  At  all 
events  a  country  is  sufficiently  common 
to  them  to  supply  sentimental  unity  in 
this  direction.  For,  as  regards  England, 
Seeley  has  well  remarked,  referring  to  a 
period  when  steam  and  electricity  had  not 
yet  reduced  the  separating  distance  of  the 
ocean,  "there  is  this  fundamental  differ- 
ence between  Spain  and  France  on  the 
one  side  and  England  on  the  other,  that 
Spain  and  France  were  deeply  involved 
in  the  struggle  of  Europe,  from  which 
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English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

England  has  always  been  able  to  hold  her- 
self aloof.  In  fact,  as  an  island,  England 
is  distinctly  nearer  for  practical  purposes 
to  the  New  World  and  almost  belongs  to 
it  or  at  least  has  the  choice  of  belonging 
at  her  pleasure  to  the  New  World  or  to 
the  Old."  As  for  the  proximity  between 
the  two  countries  for  persons  travelling 
and  goods  interchanged,  I  can  only  say 
that,  from  continuous  experience,  the 
expenditure  of  money,  nerve-tissue,  and 
comfort  is  higher  in  a  trip  from  England 
to  Greece  or  any  of  the  Balkan  States, 
than  in  a  voyage  to  New  York;  while  it 
is  a  significant  fact  that  the  transport  of 
goods  from  an  American  to  an  English 
port  is  not  only  cheaper  than  from  any 
point  in  England  to  a  short  distance  on 
the  Continent,  but  even  from  one  point 
of  England  to  a  comparatively  near  point 
on  the  same  island.  But  if  we  turn  from 
this  question  of  mere  physical  propinquity 
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English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

to  the  feeling  of  the  American  people  as 
regards  the  country,  the  actual  soil  of  the 
British  Islands,  we  come  to  a  sentiment 
far  deeper  and  more  cogent  in  its  binding 
power.  It  would  be  a  very  small  minor- 
ity of  the  American  people  who  would 
not  be  overcome  by  a  sense  of  home  the 
moment  they  arrive  on  British  soil,  be  it 
at  Cork  or  Liverpool ;  and,  after  a  short 
halt  at  Chester,  during  which  they  have 
walked  through  the  streets  of  that  pictur- 
esque city,  they  settle  down  in  London 
and  set  foot  in  Westminster  Abbey,  pass- 
ing by  the  monuments  of  patriots,  states- 
men, and  poets  whom  they  can  rightly  all 
claim  as  essentially  their  own!  To  all 
these  people  Great  Britain  is  the  "  Old 
Country."  But  I  will  go  further  and  ven- 
ture to  say,  that  this  does  not  only  apply 
to  the  Americans  of  distinctly  British 
origin ;  but  also  to  those  of  German  and 
French  and  Dutch  descent,  or  from  any 
155 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

of  the  other  European  peoples,  whose 
•  home  has  been  sufficiently  long  in  the 
United  States  for  them  to  have  become 
thoroughly  nationalised  through  the  lan- 
guage with  its  literature,  the  customs 
and  institutions  which  are  practically  the 
same  in  both  countries.  Such  an  one 
has  read  his  Shakespeare,  Macaulay,  and 
Walter  Scott  from  his  childhood  up- 
wards; and  thus  Westminster  Abbey  and 
Stratford-on-Avon,  and  Kenilworth,  and 
Scotland  strike  an  old  familiar  tone  in 
his  mind  and  his  heart,  —  whether  his 
name  be  Sampson  or  Schley  or  Shafter. 

Leaving  the  question  of  a  common 
country,  the  bond  of  union  becomes  closer 
the  further  we  proceed  with  the  other 
essential  features  which  make  for  unity, 
when  once  we  drop  the  misleading  and 
wholly  illusory  ethnological  basis  of  na- 
tionality and,  instead  of  flying  to  the 
nebulous  and  unknown  regions  of  pre- 
156 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

historic  ages,  we  take   into  account   the 
process  of   real  history.     We  then  must 
acknowledge    that    the   people   of    Great 
Britain  and  of  the  United  States  are  of 
one  nationality.      I    say  this   in   spite  of 
the  Revolutionary  War,  and,  if  I  did  not 
fear  to  be  too  paradoxical,  I  should  almost 
say  because  of  it.     I  mean  by  this,  that 
the  establishment  of  independence  in  the 
British  Colonies  of  North  America  marks 
a  phase  in  the  expansion  of  international 
freedom,  as  the  advance  of  representative 
government    marks   the   development    of 
national  freedom ;    and  that,   as  the  rec- 
ognition of  the  separate  household  of  an 
adult    son,    who    has    been   fretting   with 
growing   animosity  against    the   domina- 
tion of  parental  authority,   re-asserts,  on 
a  new  and  more  propitious  basis,  the  kin- 
ship of  the  two,  so  is  it  in  the  relation  of 
the  two  nations  since  America  is  free. 
There  is  but  one  real  and  material  fact 
157 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

amongst  many  to  which  I  wish  to  draw 
attention  in  view  of  the  claims  of  com- 
mon nationality  between  these  two  great 
peoples,  and  that  is,  the  question  of 
kinship  and  intermarriage.  If  statistics 
could  be  established  concerning  the  citi- 
zens of  each  country,  as  to  those  who 
have  some  member  of  their  kith  and  kin, 
however  remote,  residing  in  the  country 
over  the  sea,  the  numbers  of  these  would 
be  found  to  be  astonishingly  large  —  at 
all  events,  much  larger  than  such  rela- 
tionship between  any  other  two  nations. 
And  in  this  respect  the  importance  of 
the  continuous  process  of  intermarriage, 
which  promises  to  grow  even  more  fre- 
quent and  effective  in  the  future,  cannot 
be  overestimated.  For,  in  the  making 
of  nations,  intermarriage  is  the  most  im- 
portant factor  in  welding  the  diversity  of 
race  into  the  unity  of  nationality.  In 
the  history  of  England,  Germany,  France, 
158 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

and  Italy  it  was  chiefly  this  custom  which 
enabled  the  numerous  and  discordant  eth- 
nological elements  to  fuse  into  national 
unity.  Where  larger  masses  of  the  popu- 
lation, as  with  the  Hungarians  and  the 
Austrians,  or  smaller  sections  within  a 
nationality,  are  kept  from  intermarriage, 
from  whatever  cause,  the  unity  of  the 
nation  or  of  the  smaller  community  is  not 
complete,  and  no  amount  of  government 
action  and  of  administrative  pressure  can 
supply  this  want. 

As  regards  the  actual  intercourse  be- 
tween the  two  nations,  a  great  deal  can 
here  be  done  by  individuals  to  improve 
and  strengthen  the  relations  between  us. 
I  would  recommend  a  little  more  toler- 
ance, intellectual  sympathy,  and  fairness 
of  judgment  to  Americans  as  well  as  to 
Englishmen.  We  must  shift  our  stand- 
ards of  judgment  if  we  mean  to  be  fair  to 
those  who  have  not  put  themselves  within 
159 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

the  pale  of  our  own  social  —  often  ex- 
tremely provincial  —  laws.  Such  provin- 
cialism argues  a  want  of  education  in 
some  and  a  want  of  imagination  in  others. 
To  put  it  tritely  and  epigrammatically : 
Let  us  charitably  remember  that  there  is 
still  some  salvation  for  the  man  who 
wears  a  frock-coat  and  a  round  hat  —  if 
he  be  a  foreigner!  We  may  be  ever  so 
sure  that  our  own  rules  of  life  and  habits 
and  fashions  are  the  best,  but  we  cannot 
judge  those  by  them  who  have  never  rec- 
ognised their  sway.  Also  it  is  well  for 
us  to  remember  that,  whatever  we  may 
justly  feel  with  regard  to  our  national 
greatness,  the  individual  citizen  —  even 
the  least  distinguished  —  is  not  neces- 
sarily responsible  for  the  superiority  of 
his  nation  and  country. 

I  would  recommend  every  Englishman 
to   read   Lowell's   essay  "On   a   Certain 
Condescension  in  Foreigners."     He  there 
1 60 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

strongly  impresses  the  fact,  that  a  first- 
rate  American  must  not  be  confounded 
with  a  second-rate  Englishman.  And  I 
should  like  to  add :  that  a  second-rate 
Englishman  will  never  make  a  first-rate 
American.  The  difficulty  will  remain, 
how  to  recognise  "the  first-rate  Ameri- 
can or  Englishman  ?  "  Well,  there  is  no 
wholesale  tag  attached  to  them.  They 
are  not  known  through  the  paragraphs  in 
the  newspapers,  nor  are  they  always  rec- 
ognised by  their  own  estimate  of  them- 
selves. We  can  only  meet  each  other 
courteously  and  generously,  and  find  out 
for  ourselves.  It  takes  some  time  and 
acuteness  of  perception  to  realise  that 
there  is  a  native  dignity  and  quiet  mod- 
esty in  the  American,  though  he  may 
successfully  hide  it  under  the  boisterous 
ebullience  of  his  vigorous  life  and  man- 
ner; while,  I  hold,  that  there  is  a  native 
fund  of  amiability  and  genuine  cordiality 
II  i6i 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

deep  down  in  the  Englishman's  nature  — 
only  it  is  often  so  deep  down  that  it  never 
appears  on  the  surface.  It  is  effectively 
checked  by  a  narrow,  "provincial"  edu- 
cation, continued  and  fixed  by  stupid 
social  traditions  slavishly  accepted  and 
followed  by  all  classes. 

The  unity  of  nationality  is  expressed 
in  the  State,  in  the  laws  and  the  forms 
of  government,  which  actually  hold  the 
people  together.  Now,  though  England 
is  a  monarchy  and  the  United  States  a 
republic,  the  fact  remains  that  the  inhab- 
itants of  both  countries  feel  that  they 
belong  to  the  freest  nations  of  the  world. 
This  freedom  is  the  outcome  of  represen- 
tative government,  an  idea  and  a  fact 
born  in  England,  to  the  development  of 
which  the  history  of  the  British  people  is 
one  continuous  illustration.  It  does  not 
diminish  the  glory  of  the  framers  of  the 
American  constitution  to  say,  that  the 
162 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

central  idea  of  liberty  and  self-govern- 
ment, which  that  document  embodies  and 
develops,  was  the  natural  evolution  of 
political  principles  sunk  deep  down  in 
their  hearts  and  minds  by  their  English 
ancestors.  And  the  reality  of  a  common 
foundation  for  the  government  and  all 
political  institutions  in  the  case  of  the 
United  States  and  of  Great  Britain  im- 
presses itself  upon  us,  not  only  when  we 
ponder  or  generalise  on  things  political, 
but  when  we  are  living  our  ordinary  daily 
lives  and  follow  the  natural  interests  and 
calls  of  our  several  avocations.  It  is  not 
merely  a  question  of  political  theory  and 
speculation,  it  is  eminently  one  of  prac- 
tical experience  and  of  the  action  of  life, 
individual  as  well  as  collective.  At 
every  step,  while  the  Englishman  or 
American  travels  abroad,  even  in  the 
most  civilised  countries,  he  meets  with 
administrative  enactments,  privileges,  re- 
163 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

strictions,  injunctions,  and  directions, 
sent  from  the  summits  of  government 
into  the  busy  plains  of  ordinary  daily  life, 
which  are  foreign  to  him  and  which  evoke 
a  sense  of  criticism,  if  not  of  irritation 
and  revolt.  The  same  feeling  of  strange- 
ness and  of  foreignness  constantly  comes 
over  him,  if  he  attempts  to  follow  their 
political  life,  though  the  American  con- 
siders the  legislative  and  administrative 
proceedings  of  a  European  republic,  and 
the  Englishman  observes  the  laws  and 
enactments  of  some  other  constitutional 
monarchy.  On  the  other  hand,  every 
Englishman  becomes  readily  familiar  with 
the  political  system  of  the  United  States, 
and  feels  at  home  under  its  rule,  as  the 
American  lives  happily  under  the  laws  of 
Great  Britain  and  can  at  once  follow  with 
interest  the  legislative  work  of  the  House 
of  Commons. 

Far  more  potent,  however,  than  the  tics 
164 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

of  common  descent,  country,  and  govern- 
ment, is  the  all-comprising  bond  of  a 
common  language.  Nay,  so  much  do  I 
consider  this  the  chief  force  of  union  and 
amity,  that  I  would  substitute  for  Anglo- 
Saxon,  or  even  Anglo-American,  the  title 
English-Speaking  Brotherhood.  For  this 
conception  is  at  once  so  wide  that  it  com- 
prises, not  only  Great  Britain  and  Ire- 
land and  the  United  States,  but  every 
distant  colony  where  English  is  spoken 
and  the  same  thoughts  and  feelings,  laws 
and  institutions  are  therefore  bound  to 
prevail. 

But  with  the  comprehensiveness  of  this 
term  we  also  at  once  come  to  the  most 
important,  the  central  and  essential  man- 
ifestation of  a  common  life  necessarily 
leading  to  close  relationship. 

We  may  differ  from  those  philologists 
and  philosophers  who  have  exaggerated 
the  supreme  importance  of  language,  and 
165 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

maintain  that  it  actually  covers  the  whole 
of  human  thought,  so  that  it  is  supposed 
to  precede  thought.  We  may  hold  that 
there  are  other  means  of  communicating 
thoughts  and  feelings,  through  the  chan- 
nels of  other  senses  besides  the  ear.  But 
it  is  an  undoubted  fact  that  language  is 
the  chief  vehicle  of  human  thought  and 
its  communication.  For  none  covers  the 
virhole  range  of  human  experiences,  from 
the  highest  to  the  lowest,  as  does  lan- 
guage. And  if  we  compare  the  more 
emotional,  the  artistic  aspect  of  language, 
with  that  of  the  other  arts,  which  are  all 
such  powerful  exponents  of  the  national 
and  historical  life  of  a  people,  we  must 
assign  to  the  literary  arts  an  exceptional 
position,  as  conveying  the  distinct  indi- 
viduality of  a  nation  with  more  directness 
and  precision  than  any  of  the  other  arts. 
I  would  but  suggest  one  important  dis- 
tinction among  many,  namely,  that  while 
1 66 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

sculpture  and  music  and  painting  and 
decoration  can  all  reflect  the  past  and 
express  the  present,  literature  is  the  only 
art  that,  with  these,  can  also  foreshadow, 
nay,  directly  evoke,  the  future  of  a 
nation's  life. 

But  in  art  we  are,  no  doubt,  approach- 
ing the  international,  the  common  sphere 
of  all  humanity.  It  is  on  the  more  purely 
linguistic  side  that  language  becomes 
such  a  force  in  national  life  and  gives 
such  distinctness  and  solidarity  to  the 
communities  which  have  the  same  lan- 
guage in  common.  Great  statesmen  have 
ever  recognised  this.  We  need  but  con- 
sider the  efforts  made  in  Prussia  to  intro- 
duce the  German  language  into  Poland; 
we  need  but  follow  in  our  own  day  the 
troubles  of  the  Austrian  Empire,  in  deal- 
ing with  the  Czech  and  German  languages 
in  Bohemia,  or  the  power  of  the  mere 
Italian  language  in  giving  substance  to 
167 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

the  cry  of  Italia  Irridcnta  in  districts 
nowise  Italian  and  with  populations  of 
ethnological  origin  quite  distinct  from 
the  main  bulk  of  the  Italian  people. 

We  can  never  feel  fully  at  home  in  a 
country  where  our  own  language  is  not 
spoken.  Das  Land  das  meijie  Sprache 
spricht  is  our  true  fatherland.  We  need 
the  language  of  our  parents  and,  still 
more  important  in  the  creation  of  national 
sentiment,  the  language  of  our  childhood, 
used  by  those  about  us,  our  nurses  and 
the  friends  of  our  childhood,  in  our  first 
work  and  play,  associated  with  our  earli- 
est daily  impressions  and  —  prejudices. 

Here  we  come  to  the  very  root  of  na- 
tional sentiment.  This  is  the  very  core 
and  centre  of  our  thought  and  feeling, 
and  it  takes  a  considerable  development 
of  mind  and  experience  to  make  us  realise 
tha  other  languages  can  exist.  We  need 
not  merely  laugh  at  the  young  people 
.168 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

who  have  just  left  the  schoolroom  for  a 
trip  abroad  and  are  astonished  to  find  that 
even  the  children  in  the  street  speak 
French  and  German  fluently;  for  this  is 
but  a  proof  of  the  central,  vital  position 
which  our  language  holds  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  ourselves  as  social  and 
political  beings.  When  the  British  or 
American  pater  familias,  travelling  with 
a  large  family,  jumps  in  despair  on  one 
of  his  numerous  boxes  at  the  Naples  rail- 
way station,  worried  and  harassed  to  dis- 
traction by  an  army  of  officials,  porters, 
and  beggars,  and,  frantically  waving  his 
hands,  shouts :  "  Is  there  anybody  here 
speaks  God's  ozvn  language?"  —  we  can 
appreciate  of  what  supreme  importance 
his  native  language  is  to  him. 

It  is  further  interesting  to  watch  how 
delicate   and   sensitive   an    instrument   a 
language  is  in  the  formation  and  crystalli- 
sation of    its  words  for  the  reflection  of 
169 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

peculiar,   even  subtle  national   character- 
istics.    I  would  but  ask  you  to  consider 
for  yourselves  the  nature,  history,  and  sig- 
nificance of   the  foreign  words  borrowed 
or    domesticated    in    a    language.      Such 
study  will  tell  you  a  good  deal  about  the 
position  of  language  in  national  life  and 
about   the   national    life    itself.      In   the 
literature  of  other  European  nations,  be- 
sides the  whole  vocabulary  of  field  sports 
and  pastimes,    which  they  have  directly 
borrowed  in  their  English  form,  you  will 
find    such    words    as    "self-government," 
"gentleman,"  "fair  play,"  "the  morning 
tub,"^  made  quite  at  home  in  their  for- 
eign   English    garb    in   a  whole    page  of 
German,  French,  or  Italian.      And  in  our 
books  you  will  find  "esprit  "  and  "chic" 
and  "homme  du  monde  "  and  "rou6,"  as 

1  No  doubt  you  may  also  find  "  snob  "  and  "  flirt  " 
and  similiar  terms.     But  it  is  not  my  object  to  point  to 
our  national  defects  on  this  occasion. 
170 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

well  as  ''Zeitgeist"  and  "Sehnsucht," 
"  Gemuthlichkeit  "  —  perhaps  even  "  Bak- 
shish "  and  "  Kismet."  If  you  ponder  on 
such  words,  and  what  they  stand  for,  which 
nation  has  produced  them,  and  that  the 
other  was  forced  to  borrow  them,  they 
may  tell  you  much  about  the  national  life 
of  the  different  people.  The  idea  of  self- 
government,  of  fair  play,  of  gentleman, 
do  not  only  happen  to  be  expressed  in 
English,  the  facts  which  the  words  em- 
body —  the  soul  of  the  thing  —  were 
born  among  the  English-speaking  peo- 
ples, and  these  terms  of  self-government, 
of  fair  play,  and  of  the  gentleman,  cor- 
respond to  the  essential,  most  lasting, 
most  all-pervading,  and  most  character- 
istic features  of  the  life  of  the  people 
in  Great  Britain  and  in  the  United  States, 
whether  they  were  first  used  in  England 
or  America.  Purists  in  language  and 
literature  may  deplore  the  importation  of 
171 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

Americanisms  into  English  books  and 
periodicals;  but  the  fact  remains  that 
they  do  come,  and  naturally  and  neces- 
sarily come.  They  very  soon  emerge  out 
of  the  stage  of  slanghood  and  quotation 
marks  to  fully  established  and  recognised 
linguistic  respectability,  and  their  right 
of  existence  is  tested  by  this  process  and 
their  power  of  persistency. 

The  binding  power  of  a  common  lan- 
guage has  never  been  more  forcibly  put 
than  in  two  lines  of  the  poet  Davidson: 

"  In  all  the  hedges  roses  bud 
And  speech  and  thought  are  more  than  blood." 

But  language  in  this  aspect  reflects 
more  than  mere  words  and  thoughts  and 
feelings:  it  shows  the  common  customs 
of  living  as  well  as  of  thinking  and  feel- 
ing. People  who,  besides  speaking  the 
same  tongue,  eat  and  drink  in  the  same 
manner,  find  their  pleasure  in  games  and 
172 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

sports  and  the  exertion  of  vitality,  and  in 
contemplating  the  same  plays  and  pag- 
eants, to  whom  the  "morning  tub"  is  an 
essential  instrument  of  daily  life,  such 
people  not  only  live  together  in  peace,  but 
they  ought  to  live  together. 

Language  thus  merely  reflects  the  same 
customs  and  institutions,  the  same 
thoughts  and  aspirations,  the  same  cul- 
ture. I  have  already  referred  to  the  in- 
fluence derived  from  the  fact  that  we 
read  the  same  books.  The  people  of  the 
United  States  hardly  feel  that  their  debit 
account  to  England,  with  regard  to  poets 
and  writers,  is  greater  than  their  credit 
account;  because  they  consider  these 
authors  their  own,  as  the  Englishman 
claims  Poe,  Longfellow,  Hawthorne,  Em- 
erson, Lowell,  Bret  Harte,  Mark  Twain, 
Howells,  and  James.  So  with  the  artists 
born  in  America,  who  are  fully  domes- 
ticated in  England,  and  the  actors  who 
173 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

divide  their  performances  between  the 
two  countries;  while  the  chairs  in  univer- 
sities and  schools  in  America,  are,  and 
have  been,  held  by  Britons,  and  an  inter- 
change is  daily  growing  more  active  and 
frequent.  Day  by  day  our  life  in  every 
sphere  is  becoming  so  thoroughly  inter- 
woven and  intertwined  that,  not  only 
the  merchant,  manufacturer,  and  farmer, 
but  the  author  and  artist,  nay,  the  student 
in  his  remote  study,  must  consider  the 
sister-country  while  he  is  working  for  his 
own. 

This  inevitable  course  of  the  future  is 
borne  out  by  the  past.  We  have  a  com- 
mon history.  Whatever  the  Revolution- 
ary War  may  have  meant  and  means  to 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  it  can 
only  be  regarded  as  a  natural  step  in  the 
English  feeling  for  self-government  and 
independence.  Meanwhile,  the  whole  of 
American  history  before  1776  is  to  be 
174 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

found,  not  with  Red  Indians,  but  with 
the  people  of  Great  Britain.  And  what 
Seeley  has  impressed  so  vigorously  and 
clearly  for  the  Britons,  when  they  regard 
Greater  Britain,  that  the  British  Colonies 
form  an  integral  part  of  Greater  Britain, 
and  that  every  English  political  view 
which  does  not  include  the  national  life 
of  Australasia  and  Canada  is  crippled  and 
distorted,  —  this  applies  to  the  attitude 
which  the  Briton  must  hold  to  the  United 
States.  The  United  States  have  not  only 
formed  a  central  factor  in  the  English 
history  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries,  but  they  are  an  essential  ele- 
ment in  the  growth  of  national  life  in  the 
present,  and  will  become  still  more  vital 
in  the  future. 

I    have    more    than    once    quoted    Sir 

John  Scclcy's  "Expansion  of  England." 

There  is  much  in  this  book  with  which  I 

heartily  agree,   still   more  that  I  admire 

175 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

unreservedly.  But  there  are  two  points 
in  which  I  decidedly  disagree  with  him : 
first,  in  the  state-making  importance  he 
assigns  to  religion  among  communities 
on  an  advanced  scale  of  political  civilisa- 
tion. I  mean  the  power  of  religion  as  a 
fixed  Church  or  Creed  in  the  formation  of 
state,  as  an  element  which  binds  commu- 
nities together.  I  also  disagree  with  him 
in  his  assumption  that  our  Colonies  are 
not  bound  to  the  mother-country  by  com- 
munity of  interest. 

Though  a  common  creed  may  be  power- 
ful in  bringing  or  holding  together  peo- 
ple or  races  or  nations  in  comparatively 
early  phases  of  political  development, 
this  cannot  be  maintained  in  the  more 
advanced  stages  of  modern  politics. 

Of    all   Western    States,    for  instance, 

Italy  is   perhaps   the   one  in  which   one 

definite  Church  preponderates  among  the 

population  with  hardly  a  dissentient  sect 

176 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

that  might  not  be  considered  a  negligi- 
ble quantity.  Yet  it  can  hardly  be  said 
that  this  common  creed  was  an  active 
agent  in  unifying  Italy  in  the  past,  nor  in 
holding  together  the  Italian  monarchy  of 
our  own  immediate  days.  Germany  on 
the  other  hand  has  in  our  days  achieved 
complete  Imperial  unity  against  most 
powerful  separatist  interests  and  tradi- 
tions; and  yet  in  Prussia,  a  Protestant 
State,  there  are  more  than  one  third 
Roman  Catholics;  while  in  Baden  and 
Bavaria  nearly  two  thirds  are  Roman 
Catholic. 

The  principle  of  religious  toleration  by 
the  state,  strangely  sinned  against  by  the 
early  Pilgrim  Fathers,  is  one  of  the  fun- 
damental principles  in  the  political  con- 
stitution of  the  United  States;  and,  in 
spite  of  the  existence  of  an  established 
church  in  England,  this  principle  is 
becoming  more  effective  in  the  political 

12  177 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

and  social  life  of  Great  Britain  with  every 
day. 

Sectarian  differences,  even  in  commu- 
nities where  the  differing  sect  forms  but 
a  small  minority,  always  act  as  a  sever- 
ing element,  disturbing  or  endangering 
the  stability  of  the  state  and  community. 
On  the  other  hand,  religion  as  a  civilis- 
ing power,  as  creating  or  modifying  the 
national  conscience,  the  national  ethics, 
the  force  and  direction  of  national  aspira- 
tions and  ideals,  religion  passing  through 
the  life  and  history  of  a  people,  is  one  of 
the  most  effective  elements  in  political 
life.  It  leaves  its  deep  and  broad  stamp 
upon  national  character,  and  thus  creates 
or  strengthens  sympathy  or  antipathy, 
spiritual  relationship  or  estrangement. 

Thus,  for  instance,  the  Pilgrim  Fathers, 

from  the  depths  of   their   religious   life, 

convictions,    and    sufferings,   did    give  a 

definite  character  to  the  national   ethics 

178 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

of  the  United  States:  a  stern  sense  of 
duty,  of  veracity  and  honesty,  which,  in 
spite  of  all  individual  instances  in  which 
these  have  been  disregarded  or  contra- 
vened, permeate  as  leading  principles  the 
life  of  the  American  people  in  every 
phase.  This  is  the  historical  resultant 
of  the  Puritan  supremacy  in  America, 
and  the  British  people  passed  through  the 
same  historical  process  in  Europe.  The 
Puritanism  of  the  Commonwealth,  nur- 
tured by  the  Hebrew  sense  of  abstract 
duty,  derived  direct  from  Moses,  the 
Psalms,  and  the  Prophets,  however  vio- 
lent, coarse,  or  dry  it  may  often  have  been, 
and  however  much,  from  an  artistic  or 
aesthetic  point  of  view,  we  may  deplore 
its  effect  upon  the  life  of  Merry  England, 
was  and  is  a  most  potent  factor  in  the 
historical  evolution  of  the  national  ethics 
of  Great  Britain  of  our  day. 

This    and    many    other    religious    ele- 
179 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

ments,  which  in  the  course  of  history 
have  made  us  think  and  feel  as  we  do,  the 
two  nations  have  in  common,  and  this 
binds  us  together  more  than  the  mere 
adhesion  to  the  same  dogmatic  creed. 
They  make  us  feel  at  home  in  a  country 
where,  in  the  smallest  dealings  of  daily 
life,  we  at  once  realise  that  the  established 
expectations  of  truthfulness  in  word  and 
deed,  as  well  as  the  ultimate  ideals  of  a 
high  and  noble  life,  are  the  same  as  in 
our  own  home.  This  common  foundation 
of  popular  and  national  ethics  and  relig- 
ion, the  American  and  the  Briton  who 
have  travelled  far  afield  realise  as  exist- 
ing to  a  greater  degree  in  each  of  these 
two  countries  than  in  any  other  foreign 
land,  and  this  will  always  act  as  a  real 
and  practically  efficient  link  between  the 
two  nations. 

And  finally  I  come  to  the  question  of 
Interests  which  Sir  John  Seeley  enumer- 
i8o 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

ates  as  one  of  the  three  chief  elements 
holding  communities  together.  Yet, 
strange  to  say,  in  dealing  even  with  the 
British  Colonies  in  their  relation  to  the 
mother-country,  this  great  historian  has 
ignored  the  potency  of  their  common  in- 
terests, and  has  even  implied  that  they 
might  normally  be  opposed  to  one  another. 
Now  what  we  say  of  the  relation  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  ap- 
plies a  fortiori  to  that  existing  between 
Great  Britain  and  her  colonies. 

The  state  of  affairs  which  in  the  last 
few  months  has  brought  the  question  of 
an  effective  amity  between  the  two  great 
countries, — allies  by  the  fulfilment  of 
all  the  other  conditions  we  have  just 
examined, — within  such  close  range  of 
possible  consummation  and  at  least  seri- 
ous discussion,  is  the  best  ansv;er  to  the 
doubt  concerning  the  commonness  of 
interest.     In  spite  of   all  the  historical, 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

national,  social,  and  ethical  relationship, 
the  most  sanguine  of  us  could  not  have 
hoped  to  see  the  discussion  taken  up 
seriously  for  the  next  fifty  years.  And 
now,  by  one  move  in  the  Far  East  of  sev- 
eral Continental  Powers,  bound  together 
for  the  time  being  by  common  interests, 
—  and  interests  only,  —  and  by  the  thrill- 
ing and  far-reaching  events  of  the  im- 
mediate present,  the  realisation  of  these 
common  interests  on  our  part  has  made  us 
see  with  the  clearness  of  day  the  essen- 
tial kinship  between  us  in  every  aspect  of 
our  national  life. 

And  this  condition  of  things  is  not 
fortuitous,  and  isolated,  so  that  it  occurs 
once  now,  has  never  occurred  before,  and 
will  never  occur  again  !  Whoever  studies 
carefully  the  international  history  of  1823 
will  see  how  strikingly  parallel  the  con- 
ditions were  then  to  what  they  are  now. 
In  the  emancipation  of  the  South  Ameri- 
182 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

can  States  from  the  oppressive  Spanish 
yoke,  imposed  with  the  stupid  brutality 
of  the  mediaeval  conqueror  of  lands,  not 
the  modern  coloniser,  Cuba  was  the  burn- 
ing question.  Then  as  now  England, 
the  self-governing  country,  stood  by  the 
United  States  against  the  Continental 
Powers  forming  the  Holy  Alliance;  and, 
but  for  England,  the  united  action  of 
these  Powers  would  have  crushed,  not 
only  the  independence  of  the  South 
American  States,  but  would  have  jeopard- 
ised the  development  of  American  free- 
dom. The  Monroe  Doctrine  was,  in  one 
sense,  as  much  the  outcome  of  Canning's 
policy,  as  it  emanated  from  the  combined 
genius  and  statesmanship  of  Adams  and 
Monroe.  Nay,  the  Continental  diplo- 
macy of  the  day  attributed  the  author- 
ship of  the  President's  famous  message  to 
Canning,  and  it  required  his  direct  denial 
to  discredit  the  report. 
183 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

It  has  been,  is,  and  will  be,  the  policy 
of  Great  Britain  to  recognise  and  to  safe- 
guard the  main  principles  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  as  much  as  it  will  be  in  the 
interest  of  the  United  States  itself. 

But  the  social  and  economical  condi- 
tions in  the  national  life  of  every  people 
have  altered  since  1823.  The  greater  the 
need  and  desire  for  independence,  the  less 
the  possibility  of  isolation.  The  increase 
and  facility  of  intercommunication  have 
made  the  international  organism  more 
sensitive,  and  with  it  the  commercial 
interdependence,  as  affecting,  not  only 
manufacture,  but  even  agriculture,  has 
made  it  impossible  for  a  nation  to  remain 
absolutely  self-contained,  and  will  in  the 
future,  if  disregarded  in  its  vital  claims, 
lead  to  the  desiccation  and  ultimate  anni- 
hilation of  its  national  prosperity  and 
life. 

All  great  nations  have  now  (some  of 
184 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

them    tardily)    awakened    to    this    fact. 
Hence   the   energetic   activity   displayed 
on  all  sides,  and  the  constant  rivalry  lead- 
ing to  the  growth  of  Chauvinism.      Great 
Britain,  by  centuries  of  continuous  activ- 
ity, probably  by  a  natural  aptitude  of  its 
people  for  colonisation,  and  certainly  by 
long  national  training  of  the  government 
and  the  people,  has  stood  powerfully  in 
the  forefront  of  the  colonial  and  commer- 
cial expansion,  and  has  therefore  readily 
evoked   the   combined    opposition   of    its 
several  European  rivals.     But,  as  the  late 
Austrian    Premier,    Goluchowski,    wisely 
saw  and  expressed  more  than  a  year  ago, 
the  Continental  Powers  in  this  commer- 
cial struggle  have'  to  count,  not  only  with 
Great  Britain,  but  with  the  United  States. 
These  two  go  together   as  the  most  for- 
midable rivals  of  the  Continental  Powers. 
The   United    States  can  co-operate  only 
with  Great  Britain  in  its  material  intcr- 
185 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

ests  beyond  its  border.  For  England  is 
the  great  Free  Trader,  the  champion  of 
Open  Ports.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  in 
South  Africa  and  in  all  British  Colonies, 
the  proportion  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States  who  have  introduced  American 
industries  and  have  themselves  accumu- 
lated great  wealth,  is  much  larger  than 
people  are  wont  to  imagine.  The  expan- 
sion of  England  and  its  opening  out  of 
the  world's  ports  to  commerce,  is  ipso 
facto  the  expansion  of  American  com- 
merce without  the  cost  of  blood  and  sub- 
stance to  the  United  States. 

But  these  interests  have  to  be  main- 
tained and  safeguarded  against  foreign 
prohibitive  encroachment,  and  herein 
forces  may  have  to  be  joined  by  those 
who  have  common  interests.  What  would 
happen  to  the  China  trade  of  the  United 
States,  with  its  prospective  growth  in 
future  years,  from  the  mere  position  of 
iS6 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

its  Pacific  coast,  if  Russia,  Germany,  and 
France  were  to  seize  the  ports  and  close 
them  practically  to  all  competing  trade 
but  their  own  ?  All  American  statesmen 
have  realised  the  gravity  of  the  present 
situation,  and  have  been  led  forcibly  to 
recognise  the  interests  which  bind  them 
to  Great  Britain.  But  looking  beyond 
the  United  States,  and  further  ahead  ^  to 
future  years,  the  question  of  the  material 
interests  of  the  British  Colonies,  Aus- 
tralasia as  well  as  Canada,  in  the  expan- 
sion of  their  trade  in  Asia  must  forcibly 
turn  them  to  look  to  their  uniting  mother- 
country  for  encouragement  and  actual 
support. 

And    if   the  unjust   exclusion    of   the 

1  Nay,  it  is  conceivable  that  many  of  the  smaller 
Powers  of  Europe,  of  industrial  and  commercial  impor- 
tance, yet  of  defensive  weakness,  may  be  forced  to  join 
the  English-Speaking  Federation  to  guard  their  in- 
terests against  the  exclusive  dominance  of  the  great 
Continental  Powers. 

187 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

expanding  United  States  and  the  British 
Colonies  is  carried  on  in  the  future,  and 
right  demands  the  support  of  might  to 
enforce  its  claims,  where  is  the  might  to 
be  found  with  the  peculiar  development 
of  modern,  especially  maritime,  warfare? 
Where  will  the  United  States  or  Canada 
or  Australasia  or  the  Cape  Colony  find 
their  coaling-stations,  not  to  mention  the 
Navy  ? 

Let  us  but  hope  that  the  United  States, 
now  recognising  the  need  of  strengthen- 
ing its  forces,  will  solve  the  most  diffi- 
cult problem  which  history  presents:  to 
create  a  powerful  army  always  ready  to 
serve,  yet  never  to  rule  the  nation. 

The  present  Spanish-American  war  is 
giving  the  United  States  a  most  instruc- 
tive illustration  of  these  needs;  while  at 
the  same  time  it  brings  clearly  before  our 
eyes,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Continental 
Powers,  the  strength  of  an  English-Speak- 
iS8 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

ing    Federation    to   protect   the    common 
interests  of  each  one  of  us. 

It  does  not  take  much  foresight  for  any 
statesman  to  see  that  the  trend  of  national 
and  international  life  for  the  last  hun- 
dred years  has  been  towards  the  expan- 
sion of  international  trade  into  regions 
that  formerly  did  not  come  actively  into 
the  cognisance  of  the  European  diplomat; 
and  that  each  State  individually,  or  those 
with  common  interests  collectively,  must 
be  prepared  to  guard,  and  enforce  this 
free  expansion.  If  the  United  States  and 
any  one  of  the  British  Colonies  disregard 
this  paramount  interest  of  their  future, 
and  do  not  strengthen  themselves  by  firm 
amity  or  alliance  where  such  alliance  is 
on  every  ground  natural  and  imperative, 
they  will  some  day  find  their  national  de- 
velopment and  expansion  checked.  They 
will  then  come  under  the  domination  or 
tutelage  of  one  of  these  great  Powers,  or 
1S9 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

a  grouping  of  several  of  them,  and  the 
interests  of  such  leading  States  will  be 
paramount  and  will  dictate  the  course 
of  national  life  to  the  one  held  in  tute- 
lage. 

All  this,  however,  is  impossible  in  view 
of  a  great  English-Speaking  Brotherhood. 
The  Continental  Powers  know  this,  and 
the  plan  of  their  diplomacy  must  be  to 
keep  us  asunder,  by  playing  us  off  one 
against  the  other.  And  for  this  the  term 
Anglo-Saxon  must  yield  them  an  accepta- 
ble opportunity. 

If  I  have  succeeded  in  showing  that  the 
element  of  common  interest  also  exists 
in  bringing  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  together,  I  fear  that,  in  dwelling 
upon  these  common  interests  as  they 
might  be  opposed  to  the  interests  of  other 
great  European  Powers,  I  may  have  given 
food  to  a  Chauvinistic  attitude  of  mind 
or  passion,  similar  in  kind,  though  on 
190 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

a  wider  basis,  to  the  purely  national 
Chauvinism. 

But,  in  dealing  with  the  one  point  of 
interest,  I  have  merely  considered  the 
question  of  trade  and  commerce.  We 
must  not  forget,  however,  that,  after  all, 
commerce  is  not  everything.  It  is  but 
the  forerunner  of  civilisation  and  receives 
its  moral  justification  in  being  this.  So 
soon  as  the  spread  of  commerce  is  not 
pari  passu  with,  does  not  mean,  the  spread 
of  civilisation,  it  has  no  right  to  exist,  no 
claims  to  the  full  and  enthusiastic  sup- 
port of  even  those  who  do  not  immedi- 
ately profit  by  it  materially. 

But  there  is  one  undoubted  and  unde- 
niable cause  for  joy  in  being  a  Briton  or 
an  American,  namely,  that  the  nations  to 
which  we  belong  stand  in  the  fore-front 
of  civilisation  and  all  that  this  means; 
that  in  political,  social  and  economical 
education  we  stand  as  high  as  any  nation, 
191 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

and  higher  than  any  group  of  nations 
we  can  imagine  massed  against  us.  In 
furthering  our  sphere  of  influence  we  are 
necessarily  spreading  the  most  advanced 
and  highest  results  of  man's  collective 
efforts  in  the  history  of  his  civilisation. 
An  English-Speaking  Brotherhood  will, 
after  all,  only  be  a  step  towards  and  link  in 
the  general  alliance  of  civilised  peoples. 
Its  main  principles  and  final  objects  will 
be  those  to  which  the  highest  and  most 
cultured  members  of  the  French,  German, 
and  even  Russian  nation  would  sub- 
scribe; and  in  so  far,  they  would  morally 
be  members  of  this  alliance.  Ask  the 
most  cultured  and  enlightened  Russian, 
though  he  be  a  patriot,  to  speak  the  truth 
before  God:  whether  he  would  think  it 
for  the  good  of  humanity,  including  the 
future  Russians  themselves,  that  Russia 
as  it  is  now,  or  that  England  should 
dominate  the  world  ?  If  he  is  really 
192 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

true    to   himself,    I    think  he  would   like 

to  be  a  member  of  the  English-Speaking 

Brotherhood. 

If  Tennyson  has  sung  — 

'•  That  man's  the  best  cosmopolite 
Who  loves  his  native  country  best," 

I  should  like  to  supplement  these  verses 

by  adding  — 

He  loves  his  native  country  best 
Who  loves  mankind  the  more. 

Ideals  are  the  lasting  generalisations 
of  past  experiences  and  future  aspirations. 
These  will  ever  govern  the  world  and 
stimulate  men  to  action  in  one  direction 
instead  of  another.  These  ideals  are  the 
same  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain  and 
of  the  United  States,  and  that  is  at  once 
the  highest  and  the  most  lasting  bond  of 
union.  Here  thoughts  and  feelings  and 
faith  of  a  religious  order  force  themselves 
upon  us.  We  feel  that  we  are  justified 
in  pushing  on,  and  there  is  no  need  of 
13  193 


English-Speaking  Brotherhood 

casuistry  in  our  patriotism.  For  we 
know  that  what  we  ultimately  desire  is 
right,  not  only  in  the  eyes  of  the  present 
English  or  Americans,  or  a  class  of  them, 
nor  even  for  present  man  and  mankind,  — 
but  in  the  eyes  of  the  lasting  embodiment 
of  all  highest  good  as  man  can  think  it 
and  feel  it  and  love  it,  —  that  is,   God. 


194 


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